
Originally Posted by
Tom Sawyer

Originally Posted by
Thaihome
If Newin and Banharn had not joined the Democrats in the coalition and the PTP had been able to maintain a majority, would you be calling Thailand a democracy now?
IF the Kangaroo Courts had not bowed to phone calls from spokespeople for hi-so ex-generals, disbanding entire parties on flimsy evidence, and banned leaders because they appeared on TV cooking shows for 75 bucks, and
IF the army had followed
its orders GIVEN TO IT from the popularly elected government to peacefully break up the yellow shirt rallies, and
IF the amart respected the will of the people and BOWED AS THEY SHOULD TO THE PEOPLE and
IF the Army did not hold the entire Newin faction hostage at the Pullman Hotel and bribe them (figuratively at the point of a gun) to form the government they wanted --- would I be calling Thailand a democracy now?
Yes. Et tu Brut?
Typical inaccurate, biased spin on actual events. Repeated enough times that I sometimes think you actually believe it.
PPP was banned based on video tape and eye witness that deputy party leader Yongyuth Tiyapairat gave money to local Chiang Rai officials invited to Bangkok for this purpose. It was not flimsy evidence. Here is what ANFREL said in there report on the 2007 elections:
Given the widespread nature of vote buying, it is natural that the ECT would wish to make use of all the resources at its disposal. This strategy did produce some positive results, shown most clearly in the investigation of Yongyuth Tiyapairat, a PPP candidate who successfully contested for a proportional representation seat in zone 1 in northern Thailand and was subsequently made Speaker of the House of Representatives. Using a hidden camera, Yongyuth was filmed bribing local government officials from the town of Chiang Rai to campaign on his behalf. The strength of such evidence – collected by the Special Branch police – lead to the ECT giving Yongyuth a ‘red card’.
Samak was not banned. Samak was disqualified and forced to resign as PM for 3 days because by his own words he was receiving 80,000 baht a month as an employee of Face Productions. When Parliament was due to re-elect him, a significant faction of his own party refused to attend the session and a quorum was not reached. Subsequently, Thaksin told the PPP to elect his brother-in-law PM. Which they did.
Somchai declared and state of emergency at the airport on November 27th and ordered the Police to clear the airport. The next day, the government withdrew the order. At no time was the Army given a direct order to clear out the airport. This again, is another lie repeated so many times that it is believed (note, even Wiki says this). As a mater of fact, in mid November, just about the time the emergency decree was announced, a meeting was held with Deputy PM Chavarat Charnvirakul, Newin Chidchob and national police chief Pol Gen Patcharawat Wongsuwan among others who agreed not to use force against the demonstrators. So Somchai’s own party and coalition partners were not backing the use of force to breakup the protest.
The Army did not hold the entire Newin faction hostage at the Pullman Hotel. That is lie that Giles and others made up. Newin was looking to leave for a long time.
A Sept 16, 2008 article in Asia Times noted that Newin was snubbed by Thaksin and was leading a faction of NE MP’s that were dissatisfied with a “lack of faith in the governing abilities of the rural northeastern constituency Thaksin and the PPP allege to represent through their pro-poor platform”.
His defection was in works as early as October 2008, when it was noticed he was no longer attending the twice weekly meetings of the 111 banned TRT politicians.
The deal to form the coalition was indeed done at the Pullman Hotel when Suthep meet with leaders of the Chart Thai, Ruam Jai Thai Chart Pattana, Puea Pandin Party, and Newin. There were no military present. After the deal was done and the night before it was to be announced the leaders had a meeting at Anupong’s residence.
There is no doubt that the military was happy with the Democrats forming a new coalition and there is speculation on what the reaction would have been if the PTP had been able to keep their coalition together.
The intimidation was by the PTP, with various threats made against the defecting MP’s, including coffins and such delivered to their homes. Many did end up staying at the Pullman the night before the PM vote. I do not mean to minimize any pressure that Anupong exerted, but to say Newin joined, even figuratively, at gun point and the faction was held hostage is ludicrous and nothing more then pure demagoguery.
This nothing more then hardball Thai politics at which Newin, and as event have shown, Anupong as well, excel at and had been in the works for some time as everyone knew the PPP was guilty and was going to be dissolved.
Again, the point remains, despite all your rhetoric and demagoguery, which I have just shown contains little truth, the current Parliament contains virtually the same members that were elected in 2007 and they have voted for a PM 3 times. Why one of the votes is suddenly undemocratic escapes me.
Below is a list of references from the time that make for interesting reading and refute all of TS assertions. Note I have not bothered to reference the Samak resignation nor the PPP dissolution as I have already done that many times.
Instead of the rants of a self professed western “social democrat” and others of the same ilk, parroting the writing of a paid propagandist, maybe we should see what how Thai people feel about their government.
In a survey conducted between June 13 and July 5, 2009, after the election of Abhisit as PM and after the 2009 Songkran Riots, The Asia Foundation, an international organization outside Thailand conducted a survey on Constitutional Reform and Democracy in Thailand. The survey was conducted through face-to face interviews with a random, nationally representative sample of 1,500 voters in Bangkok and 26 provinces nationwide (excluding the three southern border provinces).
53% are fairly or very satisfied with the job the government is doing (question 1.6)
62% are in favor of keeping Article 237 that says that the Constitution Court can dissolve a political party and ban its senior executive members for 5 years if any senior executives are convicted of electoral fraud. (question 3.1)
Overwhelmingly they thought the military the right size (69%) rather than too small (11%), or too big (13%), with responses similar across regions, age and gender. (Question 3.5)
Seven in ten (70%) of Thais are satisfied to with democracy in Thailand. (Question 6.7)
63% of Thais perceive the country as somewhat (48%) or very democratic (15%)
The survey identified many problems as well, with the majority wanting to do away with the party list, going back to a fully elected Senate, and provincial governors being elected among them.
Its worth noting that the Asia Foundation was very disappointed with the results and you can tell this from the negative spin they put on many of the results. But they did have the integrity to publish the results and show the raw data.
To say that Thailand is not a democracy at this moment simply because of a series of court decisions and hard ball political deals is totally wrong. The problem is not a lack of democracy, the problem is until the voters are given the choice of local members of parliament that are not beholden to local faction leaders to be used a poker chips in a high stake game to win a majority, politics in Thailand will continue down this very rocky road. I firmly believe that the Thai middle class must rise to play a more active role to build a deep-rooted respect for the rule of law, democratic institutions, and free and fair elections that is sadly lacking in the current political faction leaders.
TH
The Asia Foundation : Survey > Constitutional Reform and Democracy in Thailand - A National Survey of the Thai People
Asia Times Online :: Southeast Asia news and business from Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam
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