Former President Trump's legal team on Thursday filed a motion arguing that special counsel Jack Smith should be held in contempt of court for allegedly violating a stay order in the federal 2020 election case.
Why it matters: Trump's team is arguing that Smith and his team continued to submit court filings after Judge Tanya Chutkan ordered a pause to proceedings in the case.
The big picture: The federal 2020 election interference case is currently on hold as Trump's appeals work through the courts.
- The former president has argued that presidential immunity protects him from prosecution for any crimes he may have committed while in office.
- Smith elevated the question over Trump's immunity claims to the Supreme Court, which said last month that it will not immediately weigh in on the matter.
- The charges in the case relate to Trump's alleged efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 election.
What they're saying: "The stay order is clear, straightforward, and unambiguous," Trump attorney John F. Lauro wrote in the filing. "All substantive proceedings in this court are halted. Despite this clarity, the prosecutors began violating the stay almost immediately."
- Trump's campaign was also quick to release a statement about the effort to "hold deranged Jack in contempt of court." Spokesperson Steven Cheung said: "Rather than respect the rule of law, Jack Smith unilaterally decided to disobey the stay order and continue with his harassing litigation."
- A spokesperson for the special counsel's office declined to comment on the Thursday filing.
Zoom in: Trump's lawyers asked Chutkan to release an order showing why prosecutors should not be held in contempt or ordered to withdraw the filings they have submitted.
- Trump's lawyers also asked Chutkan to explain why prosecutors should not be barred from submitting future filings.
What's next: The U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit is slated to hear oral arguments on the immunity question on Jan. 9.
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- Report: Trump received at least $7.8M in foreign payments during presidency
A report from Democrats on the House Oversight Committee released Thursday accused former President Trump of receiving at least $7.8 million in foreign payments to his properties during his presidency.
Why it matters: It’s the most solid figure to date on the scope and scale of Trump’s private windfall from foreign sources, which Democrats allege is a clear-cut violation of the Constitution’s emoluments clause.
Driving the news: The 156-page report titled “White House for Sale: How Princes, Prime Ministers, and Premiers Paid Off President Trump” draws on documents from Trump’s accounting firm, Mazars, obtained after years of high-profile court battles.
- It lays out foreign payments to four Trump properties, two in New York, one in Washington, D.C., and one in Las Vegas, from at least 20 foreign governments or government-owned entities, including China, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Kosovo and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
- “President Trump never sought or received Congress's approval to keep these foreign payments, as the Constitution requires,” the report says, also drawing links between the payments and Trump's policy decisions.
- A spokesperson for Trump did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
By the numbers: By far the largest chunk of the $7.8 million came from China, which spent nearly $5.6 million at Trump Tower in New York and Trump International Hotels in Washington, D.C. and Las Vegas. (The D.C. hotel became the Waldorf Astoria in 2022.)
- Another $615,000 came from Saudi Arabia, $466,000 from Qatar, $303,000 from Kuwait, $283,000 from India, $249,000 from Malaysia, $155,000 from Afghanistan, $75,000 from the Philippines and $65,000 from the UAE.
The big picture: The $7.8 million figure, the report says, is based on a "small slice" of the Mazars documents and is "likely only a small fraction of the total amount of such payments he received during his presidency."
- Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) released Mazars from its obligation to turn over the documents after taking power in January. The four properties comprise just 1% of the businesses Trump owned when he was president, the report says.
- "The Committee did not receive from Mazars any documents regarding at least 80% of Donald Trump's business entities," the report says. "For many other entities, Mazars produced only a single document."
- But, it adds, "this figure in itself is a scandal and a decisive spur to action."
What we're watching: Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), ranking member of the committee, previewed plans for a package of legislative reforms to "ensure that all occupants of the Oval Office abide by the Constitution's unequivocal language commanding loyalty to the interests of the American people."
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Move over Bush v. Gore.
The Supreme Court’s roster of 2024 cases revolving around Donald Trump will plunge the court into the presidential election to an extent not seen since the debacle of 2000.
This time, the justices’ involvement could be even more fraught. Twenty-four years ago, a high court with a shaky conservative majority intervened after the votes had been cast and the candidates had fought to an ostensible draw. Today, a very different Supreme Court — whose conservative majority was expanded by Trump himself — will directly determine the trajectory of the presidential contest before the general election campaign is even underway.
In the next few months, the court may need to decide whether Trump will spend much of the campaign sitting in a courtroom, whether he must remain muzzled from spewing some of his signature vitriol — and whether he can even run at all.
“The court’s decisions … could be decisive for the presidential election in a way that we never have seen before,” said Erwin Chemerinsky, the dean of U.C. Berkeley School of Law. “But also they will matter as to how the court is perceived.”
Here’s a look at six looming cases that could prove pivotal to the 2024 election:
Trump’s eligibility under the 14th Amendment
Presidential immunity, the criminal version
A crucial question on an obstruction law
What Trump can — and cannot — say
Presidential immunity, the civil version
A potential curveball in the Georgia case