Thread: Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant

Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant
Sat, 2010-06-26

First-ever biography of Burmese Senior Leader General Than Shwe


Senior General Than Shwe

The first ever biography of Burma’s Senior General Than Shwe will be launched at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT) in Bangkok on 1 July. The biography tirled, Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant is authored by Benedict Rogers, East Asia Team Leader at Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), and published by Silkworm Books. Former Czech President Vaclav Havel wrote the foreword.

The book tells the story said to be of one of the world’s most brutal dictators, and of the suffering of the people of Burma under his rule.

Drawing on his own personal travels to Burma and its borders, and interviews with Burmese defectors and international diplomats, Benedict Rogers explores the life of Than Shwe, his developing nuclear programme, links with North Korea, arms sales from China, the new capital, Naypyidaw, Than Shwe’s skills in psychological warfare and his belief in astrology, and the war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by Than Shwe’s regime.

Former UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma Yozo Yokota describes the book as “a valuable resource for anyone who wants to understand Burma”.

Sean Turnell, a Burma expert at Macquarie University in Australia, says: “In this path-breaking book, Benedict Rogers shines a light into some of the darkest corners of Burma’s military dystopia .... Meticulously researched, powerfully written, and provocatively argued, this book deserves a place on the bookshelf of all of those interested in Burma, in Southeast Asia, and in the eternal struggle against tyranny and injustice”.

The launch at the FCCT in Bangkok will be followed by an event in the UK Parliament on 14 July, hosted by the Speaker of the House of Commons, John Bercow MP, in Speaker’s House.

John Bercow, who travelled with CSW to the Thailand-Burma border in 2004 and the India-Burma border in 2007, was elected Speaker in 2009. “Few people have spent a longer time in Burma, have studied the country in more detail, or have a more instinctive affinity with the plight of the people of that country than Benedict Rogers,” said Mr Bercow.

The book, he added, “is a hugely important study of a man who has perpetrated many crimes against humanity. It is a book as enlightening as it is chilling.”

Benedict Rogers said: “I wrote this book in order once again to turn the spotlight on Than Shwe’s brutal regime in Burma and its crimes against humanity, and I hope that in some way this will be a contribution towards galvanizing international opinion for the establishment of a UN commission of inquiry to investigate the regime’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

asiantribune.com

I wouldn't want to get caught with a copy in Burma. My first trip they took away my Lonely Plant guide as it was banned !

Originally Posted by Bower

I wouldn't want to get caught with a copy in Burma. My first trip they took away my Lonely Plant guide as it was banned !

a bit like China, where the pigs would do the same cos Taiwan is not included on the map of China.

Stupid really. They couldn't care less of foreigners in a strange country when they can't even speak the lingo

Men of Than Shwe's persuasion have no thought of public opinion against themselves.Their delusion of self importance and disregard for human life/suffering is probably incomprehensible to the vast majority of the human specie. What is frightening are the like minded people that come to our attention, in seemingly every country of the world. Thankfully only a small number attain the position this man has.

Sounds like it might be a good read, as decent exposes on Burma are still hard-to-find items. The underwriter/publisher {Silkworm Books} has a decent reputation. Personally, I need to be suspicious of a Christian Solidarity Worldwide and how such subjective work {research} might be approached.

Originally Posted by StrontiumDog

Sounds like an excellent read. Truly one of the most vile and repugnant men on the planet. His case really should go to the international courts and prosecutions be sought for the horrendous human rights abuses perpetrated under his brutal reign, while he still lives. It'll be too late when he's snuffed it, as I'm sure time is not on his side, an expedient resolution should be sought.

My only reason for not reading it is that I might find it thoroughly depressing. I went beyond despair about Burma a long time ago. It's difficult to summon any hint of hope about that country. The international community does next to nothing. Strongly worded condemnation means f*ck all to people like this hideous psychopath.

You are of course quite right and with China as his bodyguard he will only get worse. The defection of senior military officers is a sign but where are they ?
I do despair of these peoples future.

Bit ironic that the book about Burma's head of state is launched at FCCT in Bangkok, while the most thoroughly researched and balanced book on Thai head of state remains banned in Thailand. [I don't mean to compare the two people, just make a note on freedom of press.]

Reminds me of the old Soviet joke: "U.S. has freedom of speech. You can stand in the middle of Washington and shout 'down with Reagan'... and nothing will happen to you. How about USSR? Same. You can stand in middle of Moscow too and shout 'down with Reagan'...". Thailand has the same kind of freedom of speech.

British activist deported from Burma
FRANCIS WADE
25 March 2011


Benedict Rogers was deported from Burma on Wednesday morning
(Photo courtesy of Benedict Rogers)

A British human rights campaigner and author of a biography on Burmese junta chief Than Shwe has been deported from the country after officials, suspected to be military intelligence, tracked him to a Rangoon hotel.

Benedict Rogers, East Asia team leader for Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), had been in the country for a week before being ordered onto a Bangkok-bound flight on Wednesday morning.

“In some respects it’s a sign that they’re even more [paranoid] nowadays,” he told DVB from a taxi in Bangkok. “I’ve been in several times before and haven’t had any problem so it suggests that they’re watching people more closely now.”

Rogers, whose book ‘Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant’ was published last year, had been in the bar of his Rangoon hotel on Tuesday evening when he was notified that authorities wanted to see him.

“I went up to my room and there were six people outside the door who said they were from the immigration department. I found that hard to believe – they were all in plain clothes, and must have been from MI [Military Intelligence]. They said, ‘Mr Rogers, we have instructions from Naypyidaw to deport you tomorrow’.”

Surprised, he asked why, claiming he was just on holiday in Burma. The officials replied that they were just following orders and then began searching the room. “They looked at my camera but I had no sensitive pictures on there.”

They then demanded to copy the photos despite appearing surprised that the only photos were of tourist sites. Questioned why, they said: “We have to show our superiors something”.

They also looked through his Kindle and searched his luggage, and after finding nothing untoward seemed to agree that he was “just a tourist”. But, said Rogers, he noticed one of the men flicking through a file and on one page was a photocopy of the front cover of his book.

The officials left around midnight, but told him to be ready by 7am the next morning and said he was allowed to stay in the hotel.

Rogers said that the cordial treatment he received from the officials reinforced his belief that “the issue is the system and not all the people in the system”.

The next morning at Rangoon airport he was met by large group of people – “MI, I’m sure, as well as genuine immigration officials and police”. He said the consistent photographing of him at the airport was “perhaps the most disappointing and unnerving aspect of the whole experience”.

One of the officials from the previous night then showed up and informed him of the reason for his deportation. “We know that you have written several books about Myanmar, including ‘Than Shwe: Unmaking Burma’s Tyrant’,” Rogers recalled.

Is it a crime to write a book, Rogers asked? And hadn’t Burma had elections in November and isn’t it now a democracy? He said the official was somewhat stumped. “He said, ‘Well, no no, Myanmar will be a democracy one day, but slowly, slowly.’ But I thought Myanmar was changing? is there no change? And he said, ‘No, no change’.”

The official then said: “I would be very interested to read your book – do you have a copy with you?” Rogers replied that he didn’t, but offered to take his address and send one, “and he didn’t respond to that”.

Questioned also whether the Burmese government deports many foreigners, the official smiled and said, “Yes, many”.

The activist, who has monitored the human rights situation in Burma for a number of years, added: “I would like to emphasise that I did not seek media coverage of my deportation, and at no point did I inform the media or request anyone else to do so. I am only commenting on it because somehow the media had already been informed and I then felt it important to clarify what actually happened.”

He finished that his deportation was symptomatic of the fact that it was business as usual in Burma. “From everyone I met, it’s abundantly clear that there’s been no change; that everyone from quite a range of perspectives was of the view that the elections have been incredibly disappointing, even more than people expected, I think.”

dvb.no

Originally Posted by Mid

British activist deported from Burma








Rogers said that the cordial treatment he received from the officials reinforced his belief that “the issue is the system and not all the people in the system”.





The official then said: “I would be very interested to read your book – do you have a copy with you?” Rogers replied that he didn’t, but offered to take his address and send one, “and he didn’t respond to that”.


Questioned also whether the Burmese government deports many foreigners, the official smiled and said, “Yes, many”.



dvb.no

The officials have always seemed reluctant to carryout their orders.


The official who was interested in his book, will at least now find himself out of a job !


I have been asked to leave twice in the past 6 years, then granted a visa to return.

Benedict Rogers reads from his biography of Than Shwe at the FCCT in Bangkok

“Is it a crime to write a book?,” I asked. He looked surprised, and confused.

Then, feigning ignorance and naivety, I continued. “In November, Myanmar held elections. So I thought Myanmar was becoming a democracy. In a democracy, it is very normal to write books freely, and very common to write books about leaders. Some books are positive, others are critical.

But the fact that you are deporting me for writing a book suggests that Myanmar is not a democracy. So, I am confused. Can you tell me, is Myanmar becoming a democracy or not?”

Is it a crime to write a book? | Democratic Voice of Burma

BURMA: Military Plays a Civilian-Looking Game - IPS ipsnews.net

Military Plays a Civilian-Looking Game

Analysis by Larry Jagan

BANGKOK, Apr 11, 2011 (IPS) - A new quasi-civilian government has taken over in Burma, but diplomats, analysts and pro-democracy activists are dismissing it as nothing more than "old wine in a new bottle".

Burma analysts believe that strongman Than Shwe has only retreated to the backroom. Than Shwe recently stepped down as commander-in-chief of the Burmese army and relinquished day-to-day control of the country after nearly two decades as head of the military junta.

"He is likely to be pulling the strings from behind the curtain," said the Burmese academic Win Min, now based in the U.S. "He will use his influence behind the scenes, relying on personal patronage and connections."

"If anyone thinks this new government is a step towards democracy they are sadly mistaken," said Maung Zarni, researcher at the London School of Economics.

Yet there are those who see change coming to Burma, though not the sort that most Burmese people are yearning for.

A new system of government has been unveiled, in which parliament will play a subsidiary part, and the executive, headed by newly elected president Thein Sein, will play the leading role.

The new government was formed after elections last November, in which the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won by a landslide. Most western countries, and the pro-democracy movement led by Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, have rejected the results as a sham.

But there has been a clear transfer of power to a new generation. Although mainly military men or former soldiers, most of Burma’s new leaders are under the age of 60 and have a technocratic background. Even the military officers turned politicians, who occupy part of the 25 percent of parliament seats reserved for serving soldiers, have a different outlook.

The new army chief, 55-year-old General Min Aung Hlaing, is reported to be a professional soldier keen on restoring the prestigious image of the army tainted by the repression after the uprising of 1988, and the 22 years of authoritarian rule that followed.

There are other signs of change. On his recent visit, senior Chinese leader Jia Qinglin, the fourth most important man in the Communist Party’s political bureau, did not meet Than Shwe. Jia was instead hosted by Thura Shwe Mann, speaker of the Lower House and vice-president of the ruling party USDP.

But there are other signs that those who have resigned or retired from the army no longer have their military stripes. Soldiers no longer guard the homes of former top military officers, including Than Shwe and the former No. 2 leader Maung Aye, either in the capital Naypyidaw or Rangoon, according to residents in these cities. The police have taken over that duty, as they do in most countries that are regarded as civilian democracies.

This is a sign that Burma is moving, albeit tentatively, towards becoming a civilian-governed society. Of course, what Burma is experiencing now is a transition; it is not yet democracy and it may not yet be significant change. It is something akin to Indonesia under Suharto’s Golkar-led government.

This may not be the sort of democracy that most Burmese people want, but it could be a significant step towards an Asian-style democracy. Even in Thailand the military continues to play a significant political role behind the scenes, and in the recent past shown it was not averse to intervening with force as it did in September 2006, the last time the military staged a coup.

This is the critical hope for Burma - a transition similar to what has happened in Bangladesh, Indonesia and Thailand in the last 20 years.

Of course, worrying signs still remain that Burma’s form of "disciplined democracy" as the military prefer to call it, may not match the minimum standards of civilian-military regimes in the rest of Asia. Too many military men and former soldiers dominate the country’s emerging political scene. Change is impossible as the military mind remains entrenched even in the new political system which pretends to be a civilian administration, according to Maung Zarni of the London School of Economics.

Even if the top generals have retired to the back room, the new crop of officers are effectively clones. "The officer corps are a sub-class of society that has come to view themselves as the ruling class, feeling they are eternally entitled to rule," Zarni said in an interview with IPS.

"Whoever takes their places (Than Shwe and Maung Aye) will not be more enlightened or more progressive, simply because they have all been inculcated with thuggish, racist, sexist and neo-totalitarian leadership values, and only junior generals who are their mirror image have been promoted," said Zarni.

As yet there is still little room for discussion and dialogue - crucial elements of a democracy or an emerging civilian form of government. Parliament is yet to be a fully functioning legislature, though some questions that had been taboo before - ethnic education issues, land confiscation, the release of political prisoners - were put to the president.

The parliament is now in recess and may not meet again for another year, the minimum set by the constitution. But above all there is no role as yet for Burma’s real opposition - Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) - though the opposition leader has asked to meet the new president and government, according to senior sources in the NLD.

But there is good reason to remain skeptical. Change will not happen quickly. "The train has left the station, but we don’t know where it going or how long the journey will be," said a Burmese academic on condition of anonymity. (END)

http://asiancorrespondent.com/52215/...s-on-in-burma/

Absolute power lives on in Burma

By Francis Wade Apr 11, 2011 1:42PM UTC

Long before Burma’s polls in November last year, observers had warned that little would change in a country ruled by the military for nearly half a century; they claimed that events had been carefully choreographed in order to ensure the new system, albeit superficially civilian, would remain absolutely watertight. Yet there was still a vocal contingent of individuals, activists and policymakers who saw signs of promise in the new political landscape, pointing to “cracks that can be exploited” and the presence of civilian MPs in parliament who would become the vessels on which progress was carried.

Five months later, however, and that school of thought has dwindled. As details of the first parliamentary sessions leaked out, it became apparent that although the new system may allow for a greater degree of transparency, the real decision-makers remained the same clique of strongmen who could legally deflect, override and direct parliamentary opinion.

There were also a couple of key issues that remained off the radar as speculation about the “new Burma” circulated. One that only came to light last week was the vast array of unilateral powers (30 in total) granted to President Thein Sein, for which he needs no parliamentary consent. The domestic Weekly Eleven news journal, citing a supplement of the parliamentary law text, listed some of these as follows:

“…ban on nuclear research, granting asylum, extradition matters, preventing terrorism, preventing plane and ship hijacking, matters concerning protection of war refugees, air and sea travel, communication (postal, fax, telephone, email and internet), cultural exchange, mining of natural resources, distributing electricity, cooperation and providing assistance for economic and technological skills…”


Burma President Thein Sein. Pic: AP.

The wording is typically vague, but ominous: the former military general has control over communication systems and therefore the ability to shut them down at the drop of a hat (as has been done in the past to great effect); he has the rights over distribution of electricity in Burma, where only 20 percent of the population have regular power access; he can execute anti-terrorism initiatives without requiring any input on what constitutes a ‘terrorist’ (a charge that has been used in the past to jail peaceful activists). Moreover, awarding a key architect of the former junta’s campaign against ethnic armies the ultimate power to decide the fate of refugees will also trigger concern.

What was also kept silent in the run-up to the polls is the 11-member National Security and Defense Council (NSDC), a new body in name but really only the solidification of the top brass into a more visible unit. Included in this is new the commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing, his subordinates, and Thein Sein. It will likely become Burma’s most powerful tangible body, to which parliament will play second fiddle.

Buffeting this military stranglehold even further is the Special Funds Law, which gives the commander-in-chief supreme authority to allocate unlimited additional money to the army without any notice, and without parliamentary consent.

What becomes of former junta chief Than Shwe and his deputy, Maung Aye, is anybody’s guess, but it is traditional in Asia for leaders to take on a venerable advisory role after they ‘retire’. Than Shwe will do at least this, for despots do not orchestrate their own downfall. He has never enjoyed the spotlight, meaning that a powerful, yet backseat, role is the perfect realm for him to operate in, while the clean, bespectacled Thein Sein becomes the military’s public face.