Ending prostitution an uphill battle
Sanitsuda Ekachai
14/08/2010
Thailand has many laws to curb the flesh trade and help victims of human trafficking, but the commercial sex industry continues to thrive
Get out of Bangkok in one month. That was the order from the police to sex workers and brothel owners in 1953 in an effort to cleanse the capital city of prostitution.
Back then, the figure of sex workers recorded in Bangkok brothels was only 300, according to a report in the Bangkok Post on July 6, 1953. (See box story.)
The move was apparently fruitless.
In 1960, the government passed a draconian law to punish prostitution with imprisonment and/or a fine. Yet, the flesh trade flourished unabated and was fanned out by the Vietnam War during which Thailand served as a rest and recreation base for US troops.
When the economy and tourism industry peaked in the 1990s, Thailand had already become infamous as an international sex hub. The births of baby girls were celebrated in many villages in the North, then the country's biggest source of sex workers. The girls were seen as the family's gateway out of harsh poverty. Agencies argued over the number of prostitutes, ranging from 20,000 to 2 million. But they agreed that a large number were children forced or tricked into prostitution.
Fast forward to 2010.
The dimly lit, dingy brothels where prostitutes toiled in confinement have nearly become a thing of the past. Nowadays, the customers can buy sex openly from willing partners at ubiquitous karaoke bars, cocktail lounges, massage parlours, nightclubs, hotels, guest houses, male hair salons, restaurants, and along the streets at night. In the internet era, call girls - and call boys - are also openly offering their services on social networking sites.
Gone is the stereotype that sex workers are poor, uneducated rural girls under debt bondage. The rampant child prostitution in the '90s had led to the government's policy to extend compulsory education from six to nine years to keep young girls in schools. And it worked.
As young Thai girls remain in the school system, the vacuum in the child prostitution market has been filled by hill tribe and migrant girls from neighbouring countries, making Thailand the centre of human and sex trafficking in the region.
As more and more Thai women are trafficked into the international sex trade, Thailand has also attracted foreign sex workers, such as those from Russia, Eastern Europe and China to serve sex tourism. Thai or foreign, however, most trafficked women are unaware of the inhumane working conditions that await them.
Meanwhile, a large number of young local girls have responded to the consumerism craze and little opportunities for well-paid jobs by freelancing in the sex business for quick money, or by offering sexual services to their steady patrons.
The pervasiveness of the flesh trade, then and now, might lead many to believe that prostitution is legal in Thailand.
It is not, and never has been.
Legally, prostitution is a vice to be suppressed. Practically, the authorities view it impossible for prostitution to be entirely eliminated. This ambiguity to prostitution reflected in conflicts between different laws. The 1960 Prostitution Act, for example, severely punishes sex workers with the aim of eliminating prostitution. The Entertainment Places Act, however, allows the setting up of prostitution-related businesses including massage parlours, go-go bars and nightclubs where sex trade routinely takes place.
"This legal ambivalence stems from sexual double standards which condones men's quest for sexual pleasures outside marriage but condemns women who sell sex as bad women," says Naiyana Supapueng, former national human rights commissioner. This gap between law and culture has also encouraged widespread police corruption, adds Ms Naiyana, a feminist and a lawyer by training.
Although it takes two to tango, prostitutes faced more than one year of detention under the 1960 prostitution suppression law. Brothel owners faced only one year, procurers three months, and customers not at all.
"Back then, the brothel owner and pimps had effectively used the jail term and harsh conditions in the rehabilitation centres to scare the girls and to keep them from running away," recalls Ms Naiyana. "That was why after the rescue, the girls still refused to be witnesses, ran away, allowing the procurers and brothel owners to escape from their crimes."
Despite concerted efforts between activists and legislators, it took nearly three decades to fix the draconian 1960 prostitution suppression law. One important resistance came from the prevailing belief that prostitution is easy work for morally loose women who should be punished for contaminating social mores.
"It took the death of two young girls to make society accept that forced prostitution was real," Ms Naiyana recalls. One girl was found dead in chains after a brothel in Phuket was burned down. The other was brutally killed at City Hall where she was seeking help after having escaped from a brothel in Songkhla province.
Their shocking deaths helped make society realise that prostitutes are poor girls who are victims of organised crime. Coupled with the Chuan administration's determination to eradicate child prostitution, the draconian 1960 prostitution suppression law was finally repealed by the new Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act in 1996.
A legal breakthrough, the new law seeks to help sex workers through decriminalisation and to stop child prostitution through harsher punishment for traffickers, pimps, as well as accomplices including the parents and the customers.
In 1997, the Anti-Human Trafficking Law was also fixed to provide the victims with legal assistance, compensation and safe return to their homes. Yet, the laws have proved weak in the face of strong cultural bias against sex workers and the systematic corruption in Thai officialdom.
Under the new law, for example, sex workers are not subject to arrest except when they are loitering in public places. Yet, this legal aspect is often ignored.
"Despite legal amendments, it is still the sex workers who are legally and socially punished while customers, procurers and sex business operators remain largely intact," Ms Naiyana explains.
Meanwhile, many critics believe harsher punishment does not ease the problem of trafficking or child prostitution. Instead, it pushes child prostitution further underground while children refuse to cooperate with the rescuers, fearing punishment for their parents.
Money is unquestionably a powerful factor for lax legal enforcement. The flesh trade is far too huge and benefiting too many powerful people to be shaken easily. According to research by economist Pasuk Phongpaichit in 1996, prostitution generated about 100 billion baht a year, the second biggest illegal economy in Thailand.
With that kind of money, elimination of prostitution is out. Zoning and legalisation have become the options that regularly come up as a guise for state efforts to keep the sex business under control.
ZONING AND LEGALISATION
The effort to get prostitutes out of Bangkok in 1953, as reported by the Bangkok Post, reflects the belief that zoning is the way to control the so-called "bad women" who are blamed as the sources of sexually transmitted diseases, notes Ms Naiyana, who is also part of the women's rights movement to decriminalise prostitution.
The zoning effort was reintroduced several times after the 1953 debacle. After sex tourism became a big foreign-income earner, the country faced a moral dilemma as to how to regulate the booming sex trade.
When Thailand was hit by the Aids scare, which began in 1984, sex workers were also blamed as the main transmitters of the disease, leading to more calls for prostitution zoning.
Along with zoning is the recurrent effort to legalise prostitution through registration. In 1989, for example, Interior Minister Pramarn Adireksarn wanted to legalise prostitution to serve the tourism industry and to control the spread of Aids. When hit with fierce criticisms, he backed down to propose the zoning of prostitution instead.
The proposal was immediately aborted. Moralists viewed it unacceptable to openly embrace a sinful business. Rights groups also disagreed because it would put sex workers under severe social stigma, which would also affect their children.
"The businesses also disagreed because they knew they would lose customers if they had to go to a special zone to buy sex," explains Ms Naiyana.
The latest attempt to legalise prostitution took place in 2003 under the Thai Rak Thai government, with the aim of reaping substantial tax revenues from the 4.3 billion baht industry instead of losing it as tea money for the corrupt police force.
Apart from generating tax revenues, registration supporters believe it will decriminalise commercial sex work, give the sex workers better welfare protection through social security, and allow them to set up unions.
The opponents, meanwhile, criticised the registration of sex workers as dehumanising, reducing women to the status of "cattle" while subjecting them to long-term social stigma. The registration also legitimises patriarchy, treats women as sex objects, and benefits the sex tycoons, not the sex workers, they argued.
Welfare and labour protection is also already possible under the Entertainment Places Act, adds Ms Naiyana. "But the employers refuse to do it while the sex workers, having no bargaining power whatsoever, do not dare take their employers to court."
The prostitution registration proposal was eventually dropped because it was still too controversial. But the issues on registration and zoning of prostitution will surely crop up again and again, says Ms Naiyana, as long as prostitution is still big business and sexual double standards are still the rule in Thailand.
Law Enforcement Still Lacking
Although the sex industry has been Thailand's big income earner for many decades, there are still no accurate figures of commercial sex workers in the country - only estimates. And the estimates vary widely from 200,000 to 2 million, according to different organisations.
One thing they agree on: a large number of them are children who are lured, tricked or forced into prostitution. Many of them are stateless hill tribe girls and immigrants from neighbouring countries, namely Burma, Laos and Cambodia.
These girls are at the lowest rung of the sex trade, serving customers in shabby brothels along the border. Hence, the effort to assist them through the 1997 Measures in Prevention and Suppression of Trafficking in Women and Children Act.
Before, the stateless and migrant girls were treated as criminals who broke the immigration law and were subjected to immediate deportation. Without witnesses, the traffickers remained smugly intact.
Under the new law, the girls are considered victims of human trafficking and entitled to receive official assistance, including temporary shelter, food, vocational training, legal assistance and logistic support for them to return home safely.
The new law also gives harsher punishment for traffickers and abetters while giving the authorities more power to search the venues under suspicion to assist the victims.
Under the new child-friendly court system, the victims - regardless of nationality - can also testify in court with assistance from social workers without having to confront the intimidating traffickers. After the testimony, they can return home while the court case is being processed.
In theory, if they won the court case for compensation, the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security will act on their behalf to contact the public attorney authorities to make the traffickers pay.
"But in reality, that doesn't happen. The victims get only a piece of paper saying they won," says human rights lawyer Siriwan Vongkietpaisan.
At present, the authorities and social activists tend to focus on the raid-and-rescue missions without being able to pursue the court case till the very end to get compensation for the victims.
When the traffickers are declared bankrupt, for example, the authorities are too tied up with their routine work to go through the complicated legal process to confiscate the traffickers' properties and get the money for the victims.
"Without money to start a new life, many of them are forced with the harsh reality to return to the flesh trade again."
When the law is enforced half-heartedly like this, the traffickers' pockets will not be hit and the victims, already fearful of the traffickers, will be reluctant to cooperate with the authorities.
A legal amendment is needed to empower the victim to pursue the confiscation of assets themselves through their representatives. But having a good law is not enough, she says. "We must also implement it fully to help the victims start a new life. And if there is anything that is hindering this, it must be cleared if we're really serious about fighting human trafficking."
bangkokpost.com