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  1. #51
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    We've already had a half coup, and the military are firmly in charge.

    The crunch time will be elections- even if there are no early elections called, elections need to be held late 2011. The current strategy is to cobble together Provincial support form MP's in the Provinces by various forms of bribery, often using proxy parties such as BJP.

    Will elections be held if they cannot cobble together a coalition with enough electoral clout to win?
    If the elections are held and the Dem's lose again, will the election results be overturned again?

    Those are the main questions in my view. As Norts said, no reason to stage a coup' now- they've already had a quiet one anyway.

  2. #52
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    Quote Originally Posted by sabang
    If the elections are held and the Dem's lose again, will the election results be overturned again?
    Possibly but will be more a political maneuvering action rather than a military one. If the loser can compel the EC and the courts to find the results of an election to be "tainted" then the winners may well suffer the fate of the TRT/PPP as they now have. As long as the winner doesn't muck about with the military, the military has no reason to intervene in what they would call a "political" issue.

    If the military assesses the risk of overturning another election would result in a far less mild response than the red shirts displayed in demonstrating, my bet is they will "advise" the loser to STFU.
    "Whenever you find yourself on the side of the majority, it is time to pause and reflect,"

  3. #53
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    Bangkok Post : Meaning and implications of general's rise

    NEWSMAKER: GENERAL PRAYUTH CHAN-OCHA

    Meaning and implications of general's rise
    • Published: 5/10/2010 at 12:00 AM
    • Newspaper section: News
    The promotion of General Prayuth Chan-ocha as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Army marks the logical outcome of the military coup from four years ago, and ushers in a crucial stage in Thailand's ongoing endgame.


    Army Commander-in-Chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha has stacked the high command with his regimental and Prep School Class 12 cohorts.

    On taking over as army chief, Gen Prayuth has stated that his two-fold mandate will be to maintain Thailand's sovereignty and to protect the monarchy. This pledge is now set to determine political direction in Thailand because of its external and internal security implications.

    While he is eligible to serve at the top of the high command for the next four years before mandatory retirement, Gen Prayuth's rise has been meteoric. He has set a record in modern Thai military annals for moving up from a deputy commandership of an army region to army chief within the space of merely four years.

    When the military coup transpired in September 2006, Gen Prayuth was a two-star major-general and deputy to then-commander of the First Army Region, Gen Anupong Paojinda. After the coup, Gen Prayuth became First Army Region commander before being catapulted onto the fast track to the top.

    His unprecedented promotion bears far-reaching implications and reveals the behind-the-scenes manoeuvring in Thai politics. The source of Gen Prayuth's fast-track rise is the location and character of his unit, namely the 21st Infantry Regiment of the 2nd Infantry Division based in Prachin Buri, on the Thai-Cambodian border in the Lower Northeast region.

    This division, broadly referred to as the "Eastern Tigers" comprises the 2nd, 12th and 21st regiments, the latter also famously known in military parlance as the Queen's Guard.

    While the Eastern Tigers are now ascendant and assertive in the army's nexus of command positions, the Queen's Guard regiment is its vortex. Gen Prayuth is a through-and-through embodiment and personification of this regiment, whose select officers have undergone specialised training that includes classroom academic curriculum over the past two decades. They now dominate the army and, in turn, Thai politics.

    Not since two decades ago has the army's command structure been so dominated by a fast-track cohort of this sort. More often than not, the army's commander-in-chief hailed from the 1st Infantry Division.

    Typically, the army's high command in the past was spread out among different units and class lines, rarely concentrated under one.

    For much of the 1947-73 period, power within the army, which determined political power in the body politic, alternated between two rivals, a clan under the Choonhavan family and a patron-client group under Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat. The former dominated the first 10 years, located at the Ratchakru neighbourhood on Phahol Yothin Road. The latter reigned during 1957-73, based at the Si Sao Theves ex officio residence of the army chief.

    The next period of concentrated army control belonged to the "Young Turks," who were mostly battalion commanders from Class Seven of the Chulachomklao Military Academy. They were instrumental in the formation of the Gen Kriengsak Chomanan government in 1977 and the rise of Gen Prem Tinsulanonda as prime minister during 1980-88.

    These Class Seven cohorts - a few still visible in politics such as Maj-Gen Chamlong Srimuang, Gen Panlop Pinmanee and Maj-Gen Manoonkrit Roopkachorn - lost a power struggle in the attempted April 1981 coup. This putsch failed even though it had the support of more than 50 battalion commanders who posed together for a famous pre-coup photograph as a show of force.

    The fall of Class Seven gave rise to Class Five military officers who became dominant in the late 1980s partly because they had helped crush the "Young Turks" challenge. Class Five cohorts staged a successful coup in February 1991. Classmates of Class Five were all-powerful at the time, with firm command of all of the armed forces and the police. They tried to convert and institutionalise their power in electoral politics by taking office behind a political party.

    The Bangkok-based uprising by the largely middle-class types put down the Class Five supremacy.

    Power and positions in the military have been dispersed and allocated across cohort classes, command lines and unit bases since.

    Gen Prayuth's ascendancy has changed all that. He now presides over a high command unusually filled by either former 21st Regiment standouts or his classmates from the Armed Forces Military Preparatory School, Class 12.

    When such a concentrated command structure took place in the past, as with Class Seven and Class Five or the Ratchakru clan and Si Sao Theves group, it invariably led to political trouble. Army commanders felt emboldened to assert politically. Politicians and their routine corruption and cronyism were marginalised while the military's own graft and nepotism became salient.

    Moreover, concentrated power sources in the military also led to attempted or successful coups by rival cohorts and disgruntled officers.

    It is still early days for Gen Prayuth, but past experience with so much military power in the body politic does not bode well. The past has shown that powerful military cohorts do not return to the barracks voluntarily. A catharsis of crisis and clash between the military and civilians was always required, while challenges from within the military were not uncommon. That Gen Prayuth has stacked the high command with his regimental and Prep School Class 12 cohorts does not bode well.

    Yet his ascendancy is unsurprising. Gen Prayuth spearheads the coalition of interests and individuals who lined up behind the Sept 19, 2006 putsch that deposed a regime which was seen as corrupt and violent, headed by Thaksin Shinawatra. The first half of the past decade was underpinned by the Thaksin regime that was laden with blatant conflicts of interest and gross human rights violations, notwithstanding the policy innovations and responsiveness that still enabled it to play a large political role. Except for two short-lived post-election spells in government in 2008, Thaksin's forces have been kept at bay.

    The latter half of this past decade, harking back to the anti-Thaksin protests which reached critical mass in late 2005, has been dominated by Thaksin's opponents. His shortcomings and flaws were on display then. Those of his opponents are in full view now.

    Gen Prayuth's intended maintenance of sovereignty is to be expected. It presumably alludes to territorial integrity in reference to the Malay-Muslim insurgency in the deep South as well as overlapping claims and simmering tensions with border neighbours. His other goal of protecting the monarchy merits observation for its internal rather than external security implications. That the new army chief has brought up the monarchy appears to indicate internal challenges that he has not elaborated. And by doing so, Gen Prayuth, like many of his backers, may have unnecessarily drawn a line in the sand and defined the fault line of Thai politics around the monarchy.



    The author is director of the Institute of Security and International Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University.
    "Slavery is the daughter of darkness; an ignorant people is the blind instrument of its own destruction; ambition and intrigue take advantage of the credulity and inexperience of men who have no political, economic or civil knowledge. They mistake pure illusion for reality, license for freedom, treason for patriotism, vengeance for justice."-Simón Bolívar

  4. #54
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    http://www.nationmultimedia.com/home...-30139512.html


    Coup never in my thoughts: Prayuth

    Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha on Wednesday reaffirmed he was a professional soldier without any thoughts about staging a coup.

    "Throughout my career, I have never been involved in politics, except when I was tasked to keep peace and order as part of the government apparatus responsible for resolving security issues," he said.

    The Nation

  5. #55
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    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog View Post
    Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha on Wednesday reaffirmed he was a professional soldier without any thoughts about staging a coup.


    The Nation
    Humm, I remember being on a thai aircraft carrier in 2004, the then CEO explained the very same thing to me. But then did the thai navy play much of a role in the 2006 coup?, after all for these things tanks are far more use than a boat.

  6. #56
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    http://www.bangkokpost.com/breakingn...hai-army-chief

    'I don't hate Red Shirts,' says Prayut

    Thailand's new army chief vowed on Wednesday to stay out of the country's colour-coded politics, playing down his image as a vociferous opponent of the anti-government "Red Shirt" movement.

    Thai General Prayut Chan-O-Cha, seen here in September 2010, has vowed to stay out of the country's colour-coded politics. The Thai army chief played down his image as a vociferous opponent of the anti-government "Red Shirt" movement.

    "I have never said I hate Red Shirts... Thais have one colour," General Prayut Chan-O-Cha said at his first news conference since taking the job on October 1.

    "We are not involved in politics," he added. "There is already a lot to do."

    Prayut, 56, takes the helm at a crucial juncture for the kingdom following the deadliest political unrest in decades in April and May, when mass opposition rallies sparked street clashes between protesters and army troops.

    Prayut is reported to have overseen the deadly military assault on the Reds' fortified encampment in the heart of Bangkok in May. Thailand remains deeply divided following the unrest, which left 91 people dead, mostly civilians.

    The shadow of the military constantly looms over the Thai political scene, with 18 actual or attempted coups since 1932.

    Prayut said that another coup "should be out of the question" but appeared not to rule out the possibility of military intervention completely.

    "Whatever can stabilise our country, go ahead and do it, the army will support it, but when our country is in jeopardy we will act," he said.

    A recent string of grenade blasts in Bangkok and a bomb explosion at an apartment building on the outskirts of the capital on Tuesday that killed four people have added to unease about security in the kingdom.

    Prayut said the army was not responsible for the deaths of protesters.

    "We are not killing or injuring them. We have told them not to join rallies again because lives are at risk when there are weapons involved," he said.

    Prayut is seen as a close ally of his predecessor General Anupong Paojinda.

    Both were central to the 2006 coup that ousted tycoon-turned-premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who is a hero to many of the Reds for his policies for the masses but reviled by the Bangkok-based elite.

  7. #57
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    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog
    When such a concentrated command structure took place in the past, as with Class Seven and Class Five or the Ratchakru clan and Si Sao Theves group, it invariably led to political trouble. Army commanders felt emboldened to assert politically. Politicians and their routine corruption and cronyism were marginalised while the military's own graft and nepotism became salient.
    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog
    Moreover, concentrated power sources in the military also led to attempted or successful coups by rival cohorts and disgruntled officers.
    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog
    It is still early days for Gen Prayuth, but past experience with so much military power in the body politic does not bode well.
    An unusually candid assessment from the BP. We have already seen military expenditure double since the 2006 military coup. There are already several dubious military contracts known about too. After the coup, and in line with promises made, political power was returned to the people via elections. But of course, no it wasn't- the results were reversed by several dodgy Court decisions, dubbed the Judicial coup. Abhisit was appointed- but sidelined during the UDD demonstrations and a Thai SLORC appointed to oversee things.

    Thaksin was corrupt? Thailand is more corrupt now.
    Thailand was accused of cronyism? Thailand is more nepotistic now. In particular, the cronyism within the military is dangerous.

    I think that more and more people who unconscionably supported many of the goings on here because of their opposition to Thaksin, are starting to realise the truth now. They stuffed it up, big time. Essentially the same mainly Bangkok middle class that faced down the Military back in the early nineties has now been duped into installing them back into the driving seat. This is not what they wanted. From a democratic standpoint, I suppose Thailand has regressed about twenty years.

    From a Thai historical Pov, perhaps you might look at it differently. The old order has reasserted itself. Based on that viewpoint, you would see the rise of Thaksin- a civilian PM who wielded some real power because of his popularity and electoral clout- as an anomaly. Politically, Thailand is back to it's traditional authoritarian norm. Democratic institutions are largely a facade, and squabbling, corrupt Politicians are tolerated as long as Power resides firmly at the Centre. Considering the losers in this equation are the broader mass of the people, including the Middle and professional classes, I think the reality is very much that they were duped by the old Elites.

    The main threat posed to this status quo is an effective civilian politician. Which is of course the story of Thaksin, although it must be conceded he gave his enemies plenty of ammunition too.

  8. #58
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    http://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/o...ciliatory-dove

    FROM THE BARRACKS

    Chief of hawks starts tenure as reconciliatory dove
    • Published: 7/10/2010 at 12:00 AM
    • Newspaper section: News

    The fact that even Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, the new army commander presiding over a more than 200,000-strong military force, has extended a hand waving an olive branch, suggests that the way of violence has reached a dead end.


    Lt Gen Wanthip Wongwai, left, and Lt Gen Thawatchai Samutsakhon, in charge of the North and Northeast army regions, respectively, will be spreading a message of tolerance and understanding.

    Not only has the general public shown strong disapproval for any further confrontation, but the army chief must have realised that there is only so much that suppression can achieve.

    Known for his super-hawkish tendencies, Gen Prayuth took everyone by surprise when he had a reconciliation plan drafted for the army. The plan calls for soldiers stationed in units all over the country, particularly in the North and Northeast, to get in touch with the local red shirts and explain to them the role of the military, and engage them in income-earning activities.

    To show how serious it is about reconciling with the grassroots supporters of the red shirts, the army has instructed that senior personnel - up to the level of Army Region Commander - go door-to-door to meet the people.

    Considering the target of the plan, it is inevitable that the Second Army Region Commander, Lt Gen Thawatchai Samutsakhon who is in charge of the Northeast, and Third Army Region Commander, Lt Gen Wanthip Wongwai in charge of the North, will be shouldering the main responsibility.

    Apart from engaging the local Isan folk, Lt Gen Thawatchai and Lt Gen Wanthip - both are classmates of Gen Prayuth - also plan to meet up with local politicians and members of parliament to persuade them to help with the campaign.

    Lt Gen Thawatchai looks set to be the one carrying out the toughest task. One aspect of his plan is to have Gen Prayuth share a meal of somtam and pla ra (papaya salad and fermented fish) with members of the local communities, whom Lt Gen Thawatchai insists will not be branded as "red shirts".

    The general believes a casual chat over a meal, and a glass or two of the local brew would be more conducive to the promoting of friendship, than inviting the people into a conference room.

    "I do feel somewhat pressured," Lt Gen Thawatchai revealed. "I do not know if I will succeed in this mission but I have no choice but to carry it out, otherwise we won't find peace."

    Since Lt Gen Thawatchai is considered an "Isan commander" - he was born in the northeastern province of Nakhon Ratchasima and has been based in the region throughout his career - his latest move to win over the red hearts of Isan people will be worth watching.

    The same is true for Lt Gen Wanthip, a cavalry man who progressed in his career in the North. Even though Lt Gen Wanthip is in the combat line, he declares himself to be a soldier of the people.

    Lt Gen Wanthip realises he has a high mountain to climb. A survey of opinions conducted by the second region unit of the Internal Security Command Operation (Isoc) revealed that people in the area want the government to dissolve the House and call a new election.

    The villagers also had a negative view of the government and military, due to their role in dispersing the red shirt protesters in Bangkok.

    They also dislike the present prime minister and still prefer ousted premier Thaksin Shinawatra.

    Still, Lt Gen Wanthip has to reach out to them. He will try to employ soldiers who are natives of the North to explain to the people that the military was not out to crack down on the protesters but had to defend the people against armed militants within the red shirt movement.

    Both Lt Gen Thawatchai and Lt Gen Wanthip realise they may have to keep talking to everyone while failing to convince anyone, but they insist they must carry out the task.

    Whether the army's reconciliation plan will succeed or not depends a lot on the sincerity of its chief, Gen Prayuth. According to Lt Gen Thawatchai, although the army commander has a reputation of being a fierce person, he is not insensitive.

    "He is the kind of man who does not like to talk much. He prefers to discuss things only once."

    According to the plan, Gen Prayuth will not only seek to reconcile with the red shirts but also with the so-called "watermelon" soldiers who are clad in green military uniform but in their hearts root for the red shirts.

    It is estimated there are about 400 generals - from the rank of major-general up - who have been "pickled" in the army's vast vat of inactive positions because they are believed to have red links or leanings.

    On his first day in office, Gen Prayuth sent a message to those who may be feeling disenfranchised: "I would like to ask all of you to love the army. Do not seek to destroy the army even if you have failed to secure a promotion. You may feel disappointed but I assure you I will see to it that you receive justice."

    Gen Prayuth plans to assign responsibilities to these inactive generals so that they may redeem their self-esteem. He has assigned Gen Wit Dhephasdin Na Ayutthaya, chairman of the army's advisory board, to take care of them and to distribute some meaningful assignments to them, too.

    It remains to be seen how long Gen Prayuth, the ultimate hawk, will last in this guise of a reconciliatory dove.

    Wassana Nanuam reports on military affairs for the Bangkok Post.

  9. #59
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    Somtam and pla raa, yes, that's the solution.

  10. #60
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    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog
    It is estimated there are about 400 generals - from the rank of major-general up - who have been "pickled" in the army's vast vat of inactive positions because they are believed to have red links or leanings.
    I'd heard the Thai military was top heavy, but this is ridiculous! 400 inactive Generals, so how many active Generals are there? The total amount of Generals and Admirals in the Australian armed forces would likely be less than 50. And they complain about that-

    The United States Army (including reserves) has a soldier to general ratio of 3632 GIs for each brass hat compared with just 1560 diggers per general in Australia.

    Overall the Australian Defence Force employs 172 star officers to manage its 55,000-strong force.

    The ratio of generals to troops is well above countries such as Britain and Israel and according to one insider is approaching the levels in Thailand, a force that has been ridiculed by Australian officers for being "top heavy".


    Number of generals in Australian Army doubles | Courier Mail

  11. #61
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    Quote Originally Posted by sabang View Post

    Thaksin was corrupt? Thailand is more corrupt now.
    Thailand was accused of cronyism? Thailand is more nepotistic now. In particular, the cronyism within the military is dangerous.

    I think that more and more people who unconscionably supported many of the goings on here because of their opposition to Thaksin, are starting to realise the truth now. They stuffed it up, big time. Essentially the same mainly Bangkok middle class that faced down the Military back in the early nineties has now been duped into installing them back into the driving seat. This is not what they wanted. From a democratic standpoint, I suppose Thailand has regressed about twenty years.

    From a Thai historical Pov, perhaps you might look at it differently. The old order has reasserted itself. Based on that viewpoint, you would see the rise of Thaksin- a civilian PM who wielded some real power because of his popularity and electoral clout- as an anomaly. Politically, Thailand is back to it's traditional authoritarian norm. Democratic institutions are largely a facade, and squabbling, corrupt Politicians are tolerated as long as Power resides firmly at the Centre. Considering the losers in this equation are the broader mass of the people, including the Middle and professional classes, I think the reality is very much that they were duped by the old Elites.

    The main threat posed to this status quo is an effective civilian politician. Which is of course the story of Thaksin, although it must be conceded he gave his enemies plenty of ammunition too.
    It's unfortunate Sabang, that such straight forward verses need to be repeated over and again for a number of circles to be convinced. Some might throw aside historic comparatives as such applies to the recycling process, as it all becomes mired in the same mix. Simply, the Thai system is corrupt, by it's very nature - regardless of said civilian leadership. Oligarchical regimes have dominated Thai political reigns for every part of several decades, with periods of civil facades here and there. Thaksin and his government, certainly weren't established as a break-away era. Because in a number of ways, he enacted his positions as one and the same - conforming himself to the old establishment {namely the militarist/loyalist crowd} - just as it is today. These arguments that persist amongst the few that there might be a difference from one government type to the other is quite sad. Because there isn't much. The traditional system is corrupt, regardless of leadership, and historically it has been rather rhetorical, less moot.

  12. #62
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    Quote Originally Posted by sabang View Post

    I think that more and more people who unconscionably supported many of the goings on here because of their opposition to Thaksin, are starting to realise the truth now. They stuffed it up, big time.
    I've noticed that too. Even here on TD you see it. And surprisingly, a bit on TV. I guess there would be too many to ban, so george and DrPP are hedgin a bit..

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    http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/poli...t-red-officers

    POLITICS

    Army chief takes aim at 'red' officers
    • Published: 19/10/2010 at 12:00 AM
    • Newspaper section: News

    New army chief Prayuth Chan-ocha has wasted no time in wielding his power by ordering a reshuffle of 229 senior officers.

    The rejig has led to the transfer of regimental commanders reportedly linked with the red shirt movement.

    Among them is Col Natthawat Akanibut, son of Gen Pat Akkanibut, who is a close friend of Puea Thai Party chairman Chavalit Yongchaiyudh.

    He has been removed as commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment (King's Guards) and becomes deputy commander of Kanchanaburi Military District.

    "His transfer can be considered as a promotion although it's a bit off the track [to the force control unit]," an army source said.

    Col Pongsawas Phanchit, director of the Operations Division of the 1st Army, was appointed to replace Col Natthawat.

    A source said the reason for his transfer was that Col Natthawat had been in charge of the Bangkok-based 1st Infantry Regiment for three years. Gen Prayuth was not confident Col Natthawat could carry out his work any longer. Also, he was connected to Gen Chavalit.

    "Gen Prayuth is still concerned about soldiers who are close to the red shirts," the source said.

    Col Apirat Kongsompong, commander of the 11th Infantry Regiment (King's Guards) which played a key role in dealing with red shirt demonstrators, remains with the regiment despite the fact he has been at the helm for four years.

    Other intriguing transfers include the promotion of Col Kiat Srinaka, commander of the 2nd Infantry Regiment (Queen's Guards), one of the influential military clique called Burapha Payak. He is to become deputy commander of the 2nd Infantry Division. Col Kiat played a key role in the clash with red shirt demonstrators at the Khok Wua intersection on April 10.

    The latest transfers are viewed as a move to ensure Gen Prayuth has reliable subordinates who can follow his orders to the letter.

    It was reported some military units did not deal with the red shirt protesters as he wanted.

  14. #64
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    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog
    It was reported some military units did not deal with the red shirt protesters as he wanted.
    speaks volumes

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    http://online.wsj.com/article/SB1000...154085706.html
    • OCTOBER 17, 2010
    The Thai Army Stands Up

    The new army chief is far more politically active than his predecessor.

    By PAUL L. QUAGLIA

    Thailand's policy makers like to talk to foreign audiences about the country's eventual transition back to full democracy. But how will the country's leaders do that while simultaneously accommodating a more politically active military?

    It's a question that Thai policy makers haven't faced until recently. The last army chief, General Anupong Paochinda, spent much of his time avoiding public exposure or committing himself to any particular actions, points of view or political alliances. His operational mantra was to remind the public the army would not be used for political purposes.

    New army chief General Prayuth Chanocha and his senior command represent an entirely different approach. Upon taking command earlier this month, the 56-year-old announced he would visit the families of fallen red-shirt protesters at their homes in northeast Thailand. Hailed by the media as a "green olive branch," the idea was a stroke of political genius and eclipsed the reconciliation efforts of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his civilian cohorts, who remain afraid to venture out of Bangkok to rural areas.

    Associated Press Gen. Prayuth Chanocha (r.), and Gen. Anupong Paochinda.



    The general is also extending his physical reach. Last week, in response to a bombing in a Bangkok suburb, he deployed several thousand military troops to all 50 districts of the city, as well as over 1,800 local communities in the metro area. He ordered the formation of quick reaction teams to respond to bombings or other acts of political violence. Interestingly, he also tasked his troops to engage in "civil action," intelligence collection and a campaign to turn the public into "the eyes and ears" of the military.

    And it's not just General Prayuth who is more publicly visible. Last Wednesday the Second Army Commander, General Thawatchai Samutsakhon, publicly criticized the head of the Department of Special Investigation for claiming red-shirt leaders had received military training in Cambodia.

    In the short term, the military's influence on civilian governance could be positive and stabilizing. Prime Minister Abhisit has so far proven a lame-duck leader. He took office only after his political opponents were disqualified from running, and he does not enjoy the support of a majority of citizens, especially in the north and northeastern provinces.

    This governance vacuum worries many Thais, who see an unstable global economic recovery and a strengthening baht. Political instability is also a concern, given that red-shirt demonstrations in Bangkok have restarted, and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has announced that he will manage the opposition Puea Thai Party's campaign in the next election.

    That makes General Prayuth's recent statement that he would not hesitate to use force to "protect the monarchy" or "to ensure order" more than just a statement of military intent. For many Thais, "order" is what they are longing for.

    Thais have backed strong military action before. In 2003, the Thaksin administration launched a "war on drugs" that saw the security forces kill more than 2,000 people, many in extrajudicial police shootings. The international media, the United Nations and foreign governments severely criticized the campaign. However, polls showed that 90% of Thais, weary of a tsunami of illegal drugs from Burma, were heartily supportive. The crackdown worked: Thailand saw an unprecedented drop in narcotics trafficking for a considerable period of time and permanently dismantled several longstanding narcotics trafficking networks.

    That may be the kind of leadership that General Prayuth aims to provide, although his personal political views are unclear. He has not discussed elections or the government's plans for political "reconciliation" with disaffected pro-democracy supporters. But if Thai history teaches one thing, it's that Thais should be wary of anyone who promises to restore order. Democratic reform, governance transparency and public accountability could be the casualties.

    Mr. Quaglia is the CEO of PSA Asia, a security consulting firm based in Bangkok.

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    Army Commander says political situation is under control : National News Bureau of Thailand

    Army Commander says political situation is under control

    BANGKOK, 19 October 2010 (NNT)-The Army Chief is confident privy council president General Prem Tinasulanond’s residence will be safe despite a bomb threat, while claiming whether to cancel the emergency decree or not it is up to the government and the Center for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES).

    According to Commander in Chief General Prayuth Jan-O-cha, stringent security measures have already been in place at the council president’s residence, enough to laugh off any threats by the councilor’s arch rivals—the red shirts. Meanwhile, he asserted that the overall political situation in Bangkok is under control; however, it is up to the government whether it wants to lift the emergency decree in the capital or keep it in force.

    He also insists that the decree, presently enforced in Bangkok and three other provinces, is not meant to violate personal freedom or harm anybody, but to allow soldiers to work with policemen in restoring peace in the country.

  17. #67
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    This current army mob are making many internal enemies... The country is just dividing further and further.

  18. #68
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    nothing like a good army grip to turn back unity again

  19. #69
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    http://asiancorrespondent.com/siamvo...my-and-country

    Prayuth creating unity or further division within the army and country?

    Oct. 20 2010 - 08:43 am
    By James Harriman,

    Bangkok Post military reporter Wassana Nanuam wrote yesterday that General Prayuth Chan-ocha, the new army commander-in-chief, is moving quickly to consolidate his power-base by shuffling out pro-red shirt officers, while promoting loyalists who supported the crackdown on the red shirts. In her article, Wassana says that General Prayuth recently reshuffled 229 senior officers, many of whom are reportedly allied with the red shirt movement and General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, a former army commander-in-chief, PM, and current Puea Thai party chairman. Wassana writes,
    New army chief Prayuth Chan-ocha has wasted no time in wielding his power by ordering a reshuffle of 229 senior officers. The rejig has led to the transfer of regimental commanders reportedly linked with the red shirt movement. Among them is Col Natthawat Akanibut, son of Gen Pat Akkanibut, who is a close friend of Puea Thai Party chairman Chavalit Yongchaiyudh.He has been removed as commander of the 1st Infantry Regiment (King's Guards) and becomes deputy commander of Kanchanaburi Military District. "His transfer can be considered as a promotion although it's a bit off the track [to the force control unit]," an army source said. Col Pongsawas Phanchit, director of the Operations Division of the 1st Army, was appointed to replace Col Natthawat. A source said the reason for his transfer was that Col Natthawat had been in charge of the Bangkok-based 1st Infantry Regiment for three years. Gen Prayuth was not confident Col Natthawat could carry out his work any longer. Also, he was connected to Gen Chavalit. "Gen Prayuth is still concerned about soldiers who are close to the red shirts," the source said. Col Apirat Kongsompong, commander of the 11th Infantry Regiment (King's Guards) which played a key role in dealing with red shirt demonstrators, remains with the regiment despite the fact he has been at the helm for four years.
    Thai Rath and Matichon also have an article on the reshuffle, with similar commentary as Wassana. If Wassana and others are correct that the Prayuth's reshuffle was done primarily on the basis of politics, then how serious is Prayuth about reconciliation with the red shirts, especially after the public "olive branch " he made upon taking the seat as the new commander-in-chief. At the beginning of the month, when Prayuth took over as army commander from General Anupong Paochinda, he immediately went public with grand gestures of reconciliation, telling the media he would visit the north and the families of those killed in the army crackdown in April and May. As reported by the Bangkok Post,
    Newly appointed army chief Prayuth Chan-ocha is planning trips to the North and the Northeast to visit relatives of red shirt protesters who were killed in the April-May rallies.Army commander-in-chief Anupong Paojinda, left, hands over authority to his successor, Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, at a ceremony yesterday at the army headquarters in Bangkok. Well known for his opposition to the red shirts, Gen Prayuth's surprise plan forms part of his policy to patch up differences with United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship supporters.The visits are intended as a gesture to reach out to members of the red shirt movement and to project a new image for Gen Prayuth, who has been viewed as taking a hard-line stance against the group, sources close to him said. The sources said Gen Prayuth had yet to set the timing of his visits and the nature of his meetings with the relatives of those killed.
    Prayuth's officer reshuffle, again if done for political reasons, would continue a theme among Thai political actors these days, which is to say one thing and then immediately do the opposite. While this is not all too surprising, it is dangerous in the current context because it deepens the rift between the government and opposition and leaves the public thinking its most senior leaders are fully disingenuous and untrustworthy. Granted, the public is already strongly jaded and hardened against almost all senior public officials, but these actions just add more fuel to the political inferno.

    On the surface, the reshuffle looks like an attempt by Prayuth to secure his power-base, but what are the unintended consequences? For one, it may create more vengeful enemies, which becomes particularly disconcerting when the army already has a serious problem preventing "random" bombings in the capital and securing weapons caches at its warehouses. Perhaps Prayuth believes moving these officers out will result in tighter security and a reduction in thefts and violent bombing incidents, only time will tell.

    In general, Prayuth and his cohorts must be betting big that the current power configuration has longevity because they constantly agitate the opposition, which could theoretically toss them all out and inflict retribution if the Democrat Party cannot hold together a coalition following the next election. After the last election in 2007, pro-Thaksin Palang Prachachon party, led by the late PM Samak Sundaravej, kept former commander-in-chief and coup participant Anupong on board. Will pro-Thaksin Puea Thai do the same with Prayuth if it is victorious in the next election?

    Lastly, what's really noteworthy about Prayuth's opening salvos as commander-in-chief is that there is very little mention about the importance of securing democratic institutions and upholding governments which have been voted in by the people. As Prayuth has said himself, "I am ready to govern my subordinates fairly and will strive to develop the army to be prepared to maintain Thailand's sovereignty and protect the monarchy."

    A copy of the recent reshuffle in Thai is here in this PDF

  20. #70
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    http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/loca...ical-decisions

    Prawit: Military to stay out of politics

    The military will not interfere in politics and the prime minister is the only one to make political decisions, Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon said on Wednesday.

    Gen Prawit was responding to questions about speculation of a House dissolution if the Democrat Party were dissolved as a result of the political development fund case now before the Constitution Court.

    The prime minister is the person who makes all political decisions, he said.

    Gen Prawit, as chairman of the Centre for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation, said the CRES had placed emphasis on security aspects, particularly third-hands which might cause disturbances in the country.

    "We have to do everything to ensure security and peace, to enable the government to continue with its administration," he said.

    Air force chief ACM Ithiporn Supawong also declined to comment when asked about the possibility of a House dissolution.

    He said career soldiers must avoid making political comments.

  21. #71
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    look there goes a flying pig

  22. #72
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    ^555

    Very true...! Never going to happen...

  23. #73
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    Quote Originally Posted by StrontiumDog View Post
    Mr. Quaglia is the CEO of PSA Asia, a security consulting firm based in Bangkok.
    What a ridiculous f+cking piece of sh+t of that was.. But I'll bet PSA Asia just won the contract.

  24. #74
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    #69 & #70 are intuitive posts SD, thank you...

  25. #75
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    I'm glad somebody noticed...it made me chuckle anyway

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