Interesting piece written by a former Thaksin government cabinet member....
As the dust settles, don't sweep it under a rug
Opinion » Opinion
LET IT BE
As the dust settles, don't sweep it under a rug
Published: 28/05/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
It is now over a week since the events of the red shirt protest-cum-rioting, and the dust has begun to settle.
But beneath the apparent calm as Bangkok and 23 provinces remain under curfew and emergency law, lingering questions must be asked and answered.
First, the details of the shootings on April 10 at Khok Wua intersection are still murky. The relatively peaceful "push and shove" between the red shirts and army personnel on that afternoon at Phan Fa and Makkhawan bridges turned violent at nightfall. Who gave the order to the army to continue the dispersal effort?
Any military strategist would have realised that the risk of losing lives was greater in the dark in an urban area operation. And why were live bullets used?
The government had declared that it would stick to a graduated soft-to-heavy approach. Rubber bullets, batons and shields were supposed to be the standard weapons with well-trained crowd control police in front of the military.
The government blamed the violent fighting on the "men in black" armed militia. Still, after a loss of 26 lives and around 858 injuries, it was never officially established in which direction the bullets hit each person, what were their causes of death, and who actually shot them. And if there indeed were "men in black", the failure of military intelligence in evaluating the situation contributed greatly to the bungle in the operation.
Even the circumstances of the most prominent death of Colonel Romklao Tuwatham, an army rising star, was not fully explained. It is only known so far that he was the victim of an M79 grenade explosion. Col Romklao was supposedly a key man in the operation. His death brought into question the competence of the Thai army as a whole in future urban warfare operations.
The second set of questions concerns details of the so-called negotiations between the red shirts and the government. The breakdown in a series of talks that involved many mediators - the last one being a group of 60 senators - eventually led the government down the path of "tightening the protest area". The containment was met by the red shirt leaders' stubborn resistance. Eventually riots ensued.
Could Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva have reached out more to accommodate the details in the UDD's demands? Could Deputy PM Suthep Thaugsuban have travelled a little further down the road from reporting to the Department of Special Investigations (DSI), to include a trip to the Metropolitan Police - the only demand the red shirts had left so that they could claim equal treatment under the law?
On the other side, could ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra have talked to the red shirt leaders and supporters asking them to go home peacefully, especially since they seemed to have at least secured an election date in November?
How sincere were both sides in negotiating? Or were these just delaying tactics while preparing to confront each other?
A more open account of what happened would be a valuable lesson for conflict resolution in the future.
Thirdly, the more than 60 deaths and hundreds who had been injured during the week preceding the surrendering of the red shirt leaders on May 19 must be accounted for.
The shooting of "Seh Daeng," Maj Gen Khattiya Sawasdipol, remains a mystery. For whatever laws and military regulations he broke, he had a right to a fair trial like everybody else. It's the government's responsibility to find the culprit(s) behind the sniper fire that murdered him in front of the international press and bring them to justice.
There must be an explanation for every person who died whether at Bon Kai, Din Daeng or Sala Daeng, and other places surrounding the demonstration's centre. A complete roster with the causes of death and injuries must be made and each single case investigated. The government cannot lump them together and classify everyone as "terrorists".
The government must order a full investigation into the controversy at Wat Pathumwanaram on the night of May 19, when at least six bodies were found in the morning that included emergency medical personnel. Since that night the army was in control of the area with pictures to prove it - they cannot deny responsibility for explaining what happened.
Fourth is the question on the government's strategy after the red shirt leaders surrendered themselves to the police. Was the government really naive to the point of expecting the crowd to peacefully disperse in tears and jump on government-provided buses like last Songkran? Why was there not enough preparation for a "worst-case scenario" especially after the daily speeches on the red stage that they could feel "panic" and enter, even burn down the surrounding buildings, if provoked? What were the roles of the police and the fire brigade? Who coordinated the operation?
Any loopholes in the tactical plan of action reflect a deficient decision-making process of the political leadership.
Fifth, the government has stressed a need to return to normalcy. But normalcy will never be returned under emergency law. Although the curfew could be lifted tomorrow, many limitations on basic rights still exist. Freedom of speech remains limited in the mainstream television, radio and internet. The judicial process is not seen as transparent and witch-hunting is more likely to occur under the use of all-encompassing authority.
How long does the government expect the emergency situation to last? A detailed "road map" on the matter should be part of restoring trust as well as law and order under democratic principles. Measures under the emergency law must not be abused to get rid of the government's political enemies.
Suppressing the red shirt supporters' brewing animosity is not healthy. A sacrifice on the part of the government is required to answer the questions truthfully and open up the debate democratically. Only through such a process can Thailand be returned to peace and stability.
The attempt by the government to sweep the dust under a rug in a state of denial will not resolve the conflict as the government would be facing an ungovernable mass and an underground force that would continue to destabilise the entire nation.
Suranand Vejjajiva served in the Thaksin Shinawatra cabinet and is now a political analyst.