Thread: Premier vows close links with military

Meddle claim baseless, says Yaowapa | Bangkok Post: news

MILITARY RESHUFFLE

Meddle claim baseless, says Yaowapa

• Published: 1/09/2012 at 03:15 AM
• Newspaper section: News

Yaowapa Wongsawat, the younger sister of deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, has denied she influenced the annual military reshuffle.

At a gathering held to celebrate her husband's - former premier Somchai Wongsawat - birthday at their residence in Bangkok yesterday, Ms Yaowapa dismissed allegations of her meddling in the shake-up as baseless.

On Thursday, Defence Minister Sukumpol Suwanatat denied Democrat list-MP Ong-art Klampaibul's claim that an influential female politician in the North whose nickname begins with the letter "D" wants assistant army chief Gen Thanongsak Apirakyothin to become the new defence permanent secretary in October.

Although Mr Ong-art did not name names, Ms Yaowapa is nicknamed Daeng and the reference was thought to be directed at her. Ms Yaowapa is also a former MP for the northern province of Chiang Mai.

In a rare interview with the media, she said it was impossible for her to manipulate the reshuffle because it was entirely up to the Defence Council to decide on the matter.

She insisted that after being freed from her five-year political ban, she seldom visited the ruling Pheu Thai Party and she now enjoys her life away from politics.

Ms Yaowapa was among the 111 former executives of the defunct Thai Rak Thai Party slapped with political bans for electoral fraud. The ban expired in May.

Ms Yaowapa also said she did not know Gen Thanongsak personally.

Gen Thanongsak is reportedly a candidate to succeed Gen Sathian Phoemthongin as the defence permanent secretary next month.

She said the accusation was false and might be intended to discredit her.

However, she also said she will not take legal action against Mr Ong-art.

Meanwhile, Mr Somchai's birthday gathering yesterday was attended by key figures of the Pheu Thai Party as well as Somsak Thepsuthin, a faction leader in the opposition Bhumjaithai Party.

Mr Somsak said he and his Matchima faction supported the government but he has not discussed joining the ruling coalition.

His faction has not been approached to be part of the government.


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Defence: Thaksin not meddling | Bangkok Post: breakingnews

Defence: Thaksin not meddling

• Published: 1/09/2012 at 02:18 PM
• Online news:

Defence Minister Sukumpol Suwanatat has denied reports that fugitive former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra was behind the transfer of the ministry's permanent secretary to an inactive post.

ACM Sukumpol insisted that Thaksin had nothing to do with the appointment of the new permanent secretary for defence to replace Gen Sathian Phoemthongin.

He said work at the ministry had not been disrupted as the acting permanent secretary, Gen Witthawas Rachatanant, had full decision-making authority, the same as a full-time permanent secretary.

ACM Sukumpol also brushed aside questions about whethert the transfer orders he had issued had created a rift in the armed forces.

He insisted that the annual military reshuffle list had been made in line with the regulations of the Royal Thai Armed Forces.

Speculation over who is calling the shots at the Defence Ministry has been growing since last Monday, when ACM Sukumpol issued an order transferring Gen Sathian, deputy permanent secretary Gen Chatree Thatti, and Secretariat Department director-general Gen Pinpas Sariwat to work at his office. The three positions are considered inactive posts.

It was reported that the transfers stemmed from a conflict between the minister and Gen Sathian over the nomination of the next permanent secretary.

ACM Sukumpol supports assistant army chief Gen Thanongsak Apirakyothin while Gen Sathian, who is retiring, backed his deputy, Gen Chatree. Gen Thanongsak is older than the armed forces chiefs, while Gen Chatree is younger.

Opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva said on Wednesday that the conflict at the Defence Ministry reflected attempts to intervene in the military reshuffle, which should be free of political influence.

He claimed that the committee in charge of appointing and shifting generals had been changed to facilitate political influence, and that reshuffles would serve politicians' desires from now on.

Democrat MP Ong-art Klampaibul alleged this week that an influential female politician in the North whose nickname begins with the letter 'D' wanted Gen Thanongsak to be the new defence permanent secretary. The reference was to Thaksin's older sister Yaowapa Wongsawat.

ACM Sukumpol said earlier that the selection of permanent secretary rested with the ministry committee that vetted the annual military reshuffle lists. The six-member board consists of the defence minister, the supreme commander, the defence permanent secretary and three armed forces chiefs.

He said he had only one vote on the committee and the panel adhered to its criteria.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/loca...nent-secretary

Defence reshuffle finalised

• Published: 5/09/2012 at 09:10 PM
• Online news: Local News

The Defence Committee on Wednesday selected Gen Thanongsak Apirakyothin as the new permanent secretary for defence and ACM Prajin Jantong the new chief of the Royal Thai Air Force, an army source said.

Their appointments are effective on Oct 1, but still pending His Majesty the King's endorsement.

The Defence Committee unanimously agreed on both appointments during a one-hour meeting chaired by Defence Minister Sukumpol Suwanatat, according to the source.


Gen Thanongsak Apirakyothin (File Photo)

Gen Thanongsak is an assistant army chief and was backed for his new job by ACM Sukumpol. ACM Prajin is an assistant air force commander and was favoured by air force chief Itthaporn Subhawong to succeed him when he retires on Sept 30.

ACM Itthaporn said the one-hour meeting went smoothly with no one objecting the nomination for defence secretary.

The source said all armed forces chiefs and the supreme commander had also put their signatures to documents officially approving the defence reshuffle list. The minister will soon send it to Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, who will forward it to His Majesty the King for royal approval.

ACM Sukumpol said after the meeting that there was no conflict in the selections and all the council members had approved all the military reshuffle list with no need for a vote.

The Defence Council meeting was in the spotlight following the public rift between the minister and retiring permanent secretary for defence Sathian Permthong-in, who backed his deputy, Gen Chatree Thatti, to be his successor.

The conflict led to the decision by ACM Sukumpol to abruptly move Gen Sathian to an inactive post at the minister's office. He appointed Withawat Ratchatnant acting permanent secretary for defence.

Gen Sathian was unhappy with the sudden transfer and has taken his case to the Administrative Court, seeking justice.

Gen Withawat said the committee decided before the meeting that he and Gen Sathian would not be allowed to make the decision on this year's reshuffle list, for fear of possible legal problems after the court’s decision.

The court had not made a decision at the time of today's meeting.


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Court hears complaint against defence minister - The Nation

Court hears complaint against defence minister

CHANIKARN POOMHIRUN,
PANYA THIOSANGWAN
THE NATION September 6, 2012 1:00 am

The Central Administrative Court yesterday heard a case in which the Defence Ministry's permanent secretary and his deputy accused their boss, the defence minister, of unfair treatment as the ministry's top council met to select a new permanent secretary.

The court concluded the hearings yesterday but did not announce its verdict.

Defence permanent secretary General Sathien Permthong-in and his deputy General Chatri Thatti filed a case against Defence Minister Sukampol Suwannathat, accusing him of unlawfully transferring them to inactive posts at the Defence Minister's Office on August 27. The transfer came after leaks were made to the media that the defence minister was "trying to meddle" with the appointment of a new permanent secretary.

Sathien and Chatri were represented by their lawyer Thanapon Choochayanont, while Sukampol had Maj-General Pinit Chatsathienpong, assistant chief of the Defence Ministry's Secretariat Department, and Colonel Panu Phromdirek from the Judge Advocate-General's Department testify for him.

After the hearing, representatives from both sides left the courtroom through a back door to avoid the media.

Meanwhile, Sukampol yesterday chaired a meeting of the Council of Defence to discuss the selection of a new permanent secretary.

The chiefs of the three armed forces who are council members were present at yesterday's meeting.

Sukampol nominated General Thanongsak Apirakyothin, assistant Army chief, as the next permanent secretary to replace Sathien, who is to retire at the end of September. The meeting’s participants agreed to the defence minister’s nomination, which will then be forwarded to the prime minister for approval.

Sathien's other deputy who is now the caretaker permanent secretary, General Withawat Rachatanant, who was earlier expected to attend the meeting, did not show up. He said later that he did not want to cause any legal problems over the military transfer because there were no clear-cut regulations on whether he could attend the meeting on Sathien's behalf.

The permanent secretary for defence is an ex-officio member of the council.

http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/loca...luck-this-week

Reshuffle list on way to Yingluck this week

• Published: 7/09/2012 at 01:38 AM
• Newspaper section: News

The military reshuffle list is expected to be submitted to Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra for endorsement this week, Deputy Permanent Secretary for Defence Witthawat Rachatanant said.

Gen Witthawat said yesterday the ministry's secretariat department will forward the reshuffle lists submitted by the armed forces leaders to Defence Minister Sukumpol Suwanatat for review.

The lists will then be forwarded on to Prime Minister Yingluck for her final approval.

ACM Sukumpol said yesterday the military reshuffle list would not be affected by the Administrative Court's ongoing hearing on the transfer of permanent secretary for defence Gen Sathian Phoemthongin and his deputy Gen Chatree Thatti.

On Aug 27, ACM Sukumpol transferred Gen Sathian, Gen Chatree and the director-general of the Secretariat Department Pinpas Sariwat to inactive posts.

ACM Sukumpol said he ordered the transfers because the generals had leaked information about the appointment.

Gen Sathian and Gen Chatree have asked the court to suspend the transfer order and consider its legality.

Army reform is essential and overdue - The Nation

burning issue

Army reform is essential and overdue

Pravit Rojanaphruk
@PravitR September 19, 2012 1:00 am

After 18 "successful" military coups over the past eight decades, it would be unwise at best to relegate the last one into the dustbin of Thai history.

Today, six years after the September 19, 2006 coup, no respectable public figures would dare rule out a future military adventure.

Six years on, no generals have been prosecuted for the 2006 coup. None of the coup makers and very few of the coup supporters has publicly expressed any sense of contrition.

Many of those who supported the coup continue to cling to the notion of a "good coup" as a quick fix for Thailand's political ills, not realising that the coup itself is part of those political ills.

As a matter of fact, these people later criticised the September 19 coup makers for not being "decisive" or competent enough in uprooting the influence of Thaksin Shinawatra, the megalomaniac prime minister ousted by the coup and later convicted of corruption under circumstances compromised by the junta-appointed Asset Examination Committee.

Six years on, many coup supporters continue to long for yet another "perfect coup" supposedly to clean up corruption and dirty politics once and for all - but what about corruption and undue influence within the Army itself?

This underlies the belief that those perceived as "good people" can do no wrong and don't need to be scrutinised or submit to the same rules as the rest. Thus staging a coup, which is unconstitutional, is "acceptable" and even "preferable" to these people because the coup makers are supposedly a bunch of good fellows.

At the same time, such a problematic ethos enables coup supporters to justify the illegal nullification of the millions of votes of the majority of the electorate who supported Thaksin, because they argue that since he is bad and these people kept voting for him, they must either be bad or foolish, or both.

Six years on, there exists no reform of the Army that would make it a truly disciplined and professional force under civilian rule, divorced from political interference. Instead, Army chief General Prayuth Chan-ocha continues to comment on politics at a whim while journalists ask him every now and then if there will be yet another coup.

The Army continues to own two of the six free-television stations, 60 per cent of the radio airwaves, and significant shares in TMB Bank (formerly Thai Military Bank) with little questioning or resistance from society at large. One wonders how many armies in supposedly democratic societies wield such power and influence.

Also, the Army's role in the bloody 2010 crackdown continues to escape penalty. Even the Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand, which was created by then-premier Abhisit Vejjajiva, admitted that access to Army personnel for questioning over its role in the crackdown - which led to more than 90 deaths and 2,000 injuries on both sides, but mostly red shirts - had been restricted.

Given such circumstances, reform of the Army is imperative and long overdue. Thailand needs a sustained campaign to reform the Army. The pro-coup mentality must be widely debated and confronted.

Only a comprehensive reform of the Army, and widespread opposition and condemnation of the "quick-fix" mentality of the so-called "good people" that created more problems than it solved, can put an end to the status of Thailand as a permanent hostage to the military.

The status of Thailand as one of the most coup-addicted nations on Earth is not something to be proud of and Thai society has only itself to blame.

Quiet as it may be for the time being, one coup supporter recently told this writer that in the next coup, the Army would not only raid TV stations, but would shut down Internet access as well, as more and more critical political debate and networking were taking place online.

Military appointments announced | Bangkok Post: news

Military appointments announced

• Published: 19/09/2012 at 04:41 PM
• Online news: Local News

A royal command has been issued confirming the reshuffle of several high-level officers in the military. It was countersigned by Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra.

The appointments, which take effect from Oct 1, are as follows:

- Gen Chatree Thatti, deputy defence permanent secretary, to be inspector-general;

- Gen Thanongsak Apirakyothin, assistant army commander, to be defence permanent secretary;

- Gen Worapong Sa-nganet, armed forces chief-of-staff, to be deputy supreme commander;

- Gen Phadetkarn Chansawek, commander of the National Defence Institute, to be armed forces chief-of-staff;

- Lt-Gen Udomdet Seetabut, 1st Army commander, to be army chief-of-staff;

- Admiral Narong Pipattanasai, navy specialist, to be deputy navy chief;

- ACM Prachin Jantong, assistant air force commander, to be air force chief, and

- ACM Permkiat Lawanaman, air force chief-of-staff, to be deputy air force chief.

Asia Times Online :: Thai military resists political pressure

Thai military resists political pressure

By John Cole and Steve Sciacchitano
Oct 13, 2012

Thailand recently released its autumn list of senior military officer promotions and reassignments, an annual exercise that determines the balance of power among competitive factions inside the armed forces.

While many analysts expected self-exiled former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra to push for his known military allies to take key positions, Royal Thai Army (RTA) Commander-in-Chief Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha appears at first blush to have maintained the upper hand.

The main annual reshuffle, which came into effect on October 1, is a key indicator of the strength of political loyalties inside the Thai military and a broad barometer of political stability in the year ahead. Reshuffles have been especially closely watched since 2006, the year the military overthrew Thaksin and his then ruling Thai Rak Thai party in a bloodless coup.

This year's list reassigned 811 senior officers, up from a normal 500-600 rotations, representing the largest military reshuffle recorded in Thailand.

Some Thai press reports interpreted this year's reshuffle as a victory for Defense Minister Air Chief Marshal Sukamphol Suwannathat, a known Thaksin ally appointed to the post earlier this year. To be sure, Sukamphol's position was strengthened when he prevailed over three senior army officers serving at the Ministry of Defense (MoD) who had refused to accept their reassignments and protested directly to Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Thaksin's younger sister.

Sukamphol created a staggering 210 new senior positions ranking colonel and above in the MoD's Office of the Permanent Secretary. He also arranged for the transfer of an unprecedented number of officers from the Air Force, his own branch of the armed service, to the MoD.

This was an apparent effort to create a large number of generals with personal loyalty to Sukamphol and expand the MoD as a counter to the traditionally dominant RTA. The move also possibly reflects an expansion of some kind of unexplained special activity within the MoD.

A deeper examination of the reshuffle list, however, indicates that the Prayuth-led RTA maintained a large measure of its political independence. Prayuth, a staunch royalist and perceived opponent of the Yingluck-led government, was able to maintain his top spot and elevate many of his known loyalists to key RTA command positions. Some have speculated that Yingluck's government felt too weak to manage the potential fallout from elevating too many of its own loyalists within the RTA.

Others believe that Prayuth and Sukamphol reached an accommodation whereby the army commander supported the minister in his public spat with the three generals in his office, including the husband of a known provincial powerbroker in Thaksin's camp, in return for a free hand over the broader reshuffle.

Thailand's army commander, rather than the minister of defense or commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (formerly known as the Supreme Command, the joint headquarters that superficially controls all three branches of the armed services) has historically been the predominant influence inside the military. It is thus significant that Prayuth maintained his top position despite Thaksin's and Yingluck's Peua Thai party's electoral dominance and earlier veiled threats that Sukamphol might orchestrate his removal.

There are two likely main reasons for this outcome. First, and most obvious, is the fact that Thailand's army commander exercises direct authority over the major combat units that traditionally have been deployed to launch coups. Second, and less obvious, is that the army commander controls an extensive internal intelligence, civil affairs, and psychological operations network that has been used in the past to monitor politicians' activities and influence major political events, including democratic elections.

Thailand's military tends to view itself as the ultimate defender of the Thai nation and royal family, rather than the constitution or a particular civilian government. This somewhat vague but strongly felt sense of duty has often led the military to put it's institutional interests - and in many cases the personal interests of senior officers - above those of the civilian administration that it nominally serves.

Against this backdrop, Prayuth accomplished several important objectives during this year's reshuffle. First and foremost, Prayuth was able to put Lieutenant General Udomdet Setabut on a track to succeed him as army commander after Prayuth's mandatory retirement in September 2014. Udomdet, previously the commander of the 1st Army Region and a known royal palace favorite, was promoted to a full four-star general and reassigned as the RTA's powerful Chief of Staff.

Udomdet is a royal aide and recipient of the Ramathibodi Medal for valor in combat, the equivalent of the US Congressional Medal of Honor. That designation represents a strong tie to the royal family, as King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Queen Sirikit are known to maintain close personal contact with recipients of the medal throughout their military careers. Like Prayuth, Udomdet spent many years serving in the 21st Infantry Regiment, a unit dedicated to protecting the royal family.

Second, Prayuth managed to replace many other senior RTA command and staff positions with his own younger supporters from various up-and-coming military academy and military prep school classes. These changes included all corps commanders, who usually move up in subsequent reshuffles to command the various army areas, a level of command just below Prayuth, as well as six division commanders.

Factional divides

Prayuth also deftly balanced the interests of competing factions inside the RTA. This factionalism, a key determinant of intra-military stability, cuts in two main directions. First, there is the ever-present competition between members of the various military academy prep school graduating classes, whose members tend to remain loyal to one another and often either rise to high rank or stagnate in unison.

Second, two broad groups of officers, loosely translated into English as the "Angel Descendents" and "Eastern Tigers", now fiercely compete for promotions and assignments to key positions within the 1st Army Region, the pivotal command which oversees the security of Bangkok and the central region.

The Angel Descendent, or Wong Thewan, group tends to represent the RTA's traditional side. It is comprised of officers with high-level family connections, usually in the military but also sometimes from powerful political clans. The careers of the these officers is usually centered around the 1st Infantry Division, or King's Guard. The present roster of serving battalion and regimental commanders in the 1st Infantry Division indicates it is still the unit of choice for well-connected officers.

Over the years, Angel Descendent officers have benefited from what some view as a disproportionate number of promotions and key assignments. In the fall of 2004, however, this trend changed dramatically with the assignment of General Prawit Wongsuwan, a prominent Eastern Tiger alum, as army commander for his final year of active duty.

The Eastern Tigers are comprised of officers who often lack special family connections and whose careers have centered around service in the 2nd Infantry Division, especially its subordinate 21st Infantry Regiment. The 21st Regiment is a special RTA unit that ever since the 1981 April Fool's Day coup has been tasked with protecting royal family members.

While many analysts believe that the shift away from the Angel Descendants towards the Eastern Tigers was initiated by the 2006 coup, which overthrew Thaksin, it actually began two years earlier. The dominance in promotions and assignments that Eastern Tiger officers have recently enjoyed has been a major factor in pushing many Angel Descendent officers to support Thaksin and his ruling Peua Thai party.

Several of Thaksin's military prep school Class 10 classmates hail from this group, including Preuk Suwannathat, who recently retired after serving as commander of the 1st Infantry Division, and his two brothers. All three officers are the sons of the late Gen Tuanthong Suwannathat, a key ally of former Prime Minister Kriangsak Chomanan in the 1970s.

The Angel Descendent group clearly hoped that Peua Thai's electoral victory in 2011 would translate into more promotions and key assignments for its members. While this has not transpired, Prayuth's balanced handling of key promotions and assignments at this year's reshuffle likely helped to defuse tensions. It has also reportedly earned him a new measure of respect from the Angel Descendants, despite Prayuth's personal background as an Eastern Tiger. This will have left little opening for Thaksin and Peua Thai politicians to exploit the rivalry and play divide-and-rule politics inside the armed forces.

Significantly, Prayuth promoted an unprecedented 103 officers from the rank of special colonel (the RTA equivalent of brigadier general) to major general at this year's reshuffle. The number of officers promoted to major general never exceeded 62 at previous fall reshuffles. Like the 210 new senior positions Sukamphol created within the MoD, this is another eye-popping figure and is undoubtedly related to Prayuth's believed success in satisfying the ambitions of various younger military prep school classes for promotion.

Given that most Thai military officers remain on active duty until their mandatory retirement at age 60, many of these newly promoted major generals (who are 52 to 53 years old) have another seven or eight years remaining on active duty. They will now likely view Prayuth as an officer to whom they owe a major debt, one that could possibly be repaid should the royalist army commander decide to enter politics after his retirement in 2014.

Cultivating loyal allies among the commanders of key combat units could also represent an important strategic advantage in any future political conflict, including new rounds of street protests or another push for the criminally convicted Thaksin to return from self-exile through some sort of amnesty. (The effect of all these promotions on the RTA's efficiency and effectiveness as a fighting force, however, is another matter.)

Prayuth, who previously had a reputation for favoritism towards his own Class 12 loyalists, has likely managed through the reshuffle to maintain RTA unity in the face of growing factionalism. While the big question looming over Thai politics is whether Thaksin will soon push again to return from exile, the fact that Prayuth maintained his position and strengthened his hand at the reshuffle means the RTA will remain a potent countervailing force in the year ahead.

John Cole and Steve Sciacchitano spent several years in Thailand while on active duty with the US Army. Both were trained as Foreign Area Officers specializing in Southeast Asia and graduated from the Royal Thai Army's Command and General Staff College. They are now retired and the views expressed here are their own.

Asia Times Online :: Thai military resists political pressure

Thai military resists political pressure
By John Cole and Steve Sciacchitano
Oct 13, 2012

Thailand recently released its autumn list of senior military officer promotions and reassignments, an annual exercise that determines the balance of power among competitive factions inside the armed forces.

While many analysts expected self-exiled former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra to push for his known military allies to take key positions, Royal Thai Army (RTA) Commander-in-Chief Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha appears at first blush to have maintained the upper hand.

The main annual reshuffle, which came into effect on October 1, is a key indicator of the strength of political loyalties inside the Thai military and a broad barometer of political stability in the year ahead. Reshuffles have been especially closely watched since 2006, the year the military overthrew Thaksin and his then ruling Thai Rak Thai party in a bloodless coup.

This year's list reassigned 811 senior officers, up from a normal 500-600 rotations, representing the largest military reshuffle recorded in Thailand.

Some Thai press reports interpreted this year's reshuffle as a victory for Defense Minister Air Chief Marshal Sukamphol Suwannathat, a known Thaksin ally appointed to the post earlier this year. To be sure, Sukamphol's position was strengthened when he prevailed over three senior army officers serving at the Ministry of Defense (MoD) who had refused to accept their reassignments and protested directly to Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, Thaksin's younger sister.

Sukamphol created a staggering 210 new senior positions ranking colonel and above in the MoD's Office of the Permanent Secretary. He also arranged for the transfer of an unprecedented number of officers from the Air Force, his own branch of the armed service, to the MoD.

This was an apparent effort to create a large number of generals with personal loyalty to Sukamphol and expand the MoD as a counter to the traditionally dominant RTA. The move also possibly reflects an expansion of some kind of unexplained special activity within the MoD.

A deeper examination of the reshuffle list, however, indicates that the Prayuth-led RTA maintained a large measure of its political independence. Prayuth, a staunch royalist and perceived opponent of the Yingluck-led government, was able to maintain his top spot and elevate many of his known loyalists to key RTA command positions. Some have speculated that Yingluck's government felt too weak to manage the potential fallout from elevating too many of its own loyalists within the RTA.

Others believe that Prayuth and Sukamphol reached an accommodation whereby the army commander supported the minister in his public spat with the three generals in his office, including the husband of a known provincial powerbroker in Thaksin's camp, in return for a free hand over the broader reshuffle.

Thailand's army commander, rather than the minister of defense or commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces (formerly known as the Supreme Command, the joint headquarters that superficially controls all three branches of the armed services) has historically been the predominant influence inside the military. It is thus significant that Prayuth maintained his top position despite Thaksin's and Yingluck's Peua Thai party's electoral dominance and earlier veiled threats that Sukamphol might orchestrate his removal.

There are two likely main reasons for this outcome. First, and most obvious, is the fact that Thailand's army commander exercises direct authority over the major combat units that traditionally have been deployed to launch coups. Second, and less obvious, is that the army commander controls an extensive internal intelligence, civil affairs, and psychological operations network that has been used in the past to monitor politicians' activities and influence major political events, including democratic elections.

Thailand's military tends to view itself as the ultimate defender of the Thai nation and royal family, rather than the constitution or a particular civilian government. This somewhat vague but strongly felt sense of duty has often led the military to put it's institutional interests - and in many cases the personal interests of senior officers - above those of the civilian administration that it nominally serves.

Against this backdrop, Prayuth accomplished several important objectives during this year's reshuffle. First and foremost, Prayuth was able to put Lieutenant General Udomdet Setabut on a track to succeed him as army commander after Prayuth's mandatory retirement in September 2014. Udomdet, previously the commander of the 1st Army Region and a known royal palace favorite, was promoted to a full four-star general and reassigned as the RTA's powerful Chief of Staff.

Udomdet is a royal aide and recipient of the Ramathibodi Medal for valor in combat, the equivalent of the US Congressional Medal of Honor. That designation represents a strong tie to the royal family, as King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Queen Sirikit are known to maintain close personal contact with recipients of the medal throughout their military careers. Like Prayuth, Udomdet spent many years serving in the 21st Infantry Regiment, a unit dedicated to protecting the royal family.

Second, Prayuth managed to replace many other senior RTA command and staff positions with his own younger supporters from various up-and-coming military academy and military prep school classes. These changes included all corps commanders, who usually move up in subsequent reshuffles to command the various army areas, a level of command just below Prayuth, as well as six division commanders.

Factional divides
Prayuth also deftly balanced the interests of competing factions inside the RTA. This factionalism, a key determinant of intra-military stability, cuts in two main directions. First, there is the ever-present competition between members of the various military academy prep school graduating classes, whose members tend to remain loyal to one another and often either rise to high rank or stagnate in unison.

Second, two broad groups of officers, loosely translated into English as the "Angel Descendents" and "Eastern Tigers", now fiercely compete for promotions and assignments to key positions within the 1st Army Region, the pivotal command which oversees the security of Bangkok and the central region.

The Angel Descendent, or Wong Thewan, group tends to represent the RTA's traditional side. It is comprised of officers with high-level family connections, usually in the military but also sometimes from powerful political clans. The careers of the these officers is usually centered around the 1st Infantry Division, or King's Guard. The present roster of serving battalion and regimental commanders in the 1st Infantry Division indicates it is still the unit of choice for well-connected officers.

Over the years, Angel Descendent officers have benefited from what some view as a disproportionate number of promotions and key assignments. In the fall of 2004, however, this trend changed dramatically with the assignment of General Prawit Wongsuwan, a prominent Eastern Tiger alum, as army commander for his final year of active duty.

The Eastern Tigers are comprised of officers who often lack special family connections and whose careers have centered around service in the 2nd Infantry Division, especially its subordinate 21st Infantry Regiment. The 21st Regiment is a special RTA unit that ever since the 1981 April Fool's Day coup has been tasked with protecting royal family members.

While many analysts believe that the shift away from the Angel Descendants towards the Eastern Tigers was initiated by the 2006 coup, which overthrew Thaksin, it actually began two years earlier. The dominance in promotions and assignments that Eastern Tiger officers have recently enjoyed has been a major factor in pushing many Angel Descendent officers to support Thaksin and his ruling Peua Thai party.

Several of Thaksin's military prep school Class 10 classmates hail from this group, including Preuk Suwannathat, who recently retired after serving as commander of the 1st Infantry Division, and his two brothers. All three officers are the sons of the late Gen Tuanthong Suwannathat, a key ally of former Prime Minister Kriangsak Chomanan in the 1970s.

The Angel Descendent group clearly hoped that Peua Thai's electoral victory in 2011 would translate into more promotions and key assignments for its members. While this has not transpired, Prayuth's balanced handling of key promotions and assignments at this year's reshuffle likely helped to defuse tensions. It has also reportedly earned him a new measure of respect from the Angel Descendants, despite Prayuth's personal background as an Eastern Tiger. This will have left little opening for Thaksin and Peua Thai politicians to exploit the rivalry and play divide-and-rule politics inside the armed forces.

Significantly, Prayuth promoted an unprecedented 103 officers from the rank of special colonel (the RTA equivalent of brigadier general) to major general at this year's reshuffle. The number of officers promoted to major general never exceeded 62 at previous fall reshuffles. Like the 210 new senior positions Sukamphol created within the MoD, this is another eye-popping figure and is undoubtedly related to Prayuth's believed success in satisfying the ambitions of various younger military prep school classes for promotion.

Given that most Thai military officers remain on active duty until their mandatory retirement at age 60, many of these newly promoted major generals (who are 52 to 53 years old) have another seven or eight years remaining on active duty. They will now likely view Prayuth as an officer to whom they owe a major debt, one that could possibly be repaid should the royalist army commander decide to enter politics after his retirement in 2014.

Cultivating loyal allies among the commanders of key combat units could also represent an important strategic advantage in any future political conflict, including new rounds of street protests or another push for the criminally convicted Thaksin to return from self-exile through some sort of amnesty. (The effect of all these promotions on the RTA's efficiency and effectiveness as a fighting force, however, is another matter.)

Prayuth, who previously had a reputation for favoritism towards his own Class 12 loyalists, has likely managed through the reshuffle to maintain RTA unity in the face of growing factionalism. While the big question looming over Thai politics is whether Thaksin will soon push again to return from exile, the fact that Prayuth maintained his position and strengthened his hand at the reshuffle means the RTA will remain a potent countervailing force in the year ahead.

John Cole and Steve Sciacchitano spent several years in Thailand while on active duty with the US Army. Both were trained as Foreign Area Officers specializing in Southeast Asia and graduated from the Royal Thai Army's Command and General Staff College. They are now retired and the views expressed here are their own.

^
Thailand really is just Burma with a fancy hair-do, in'it?

BTW - double post SD

Possibly the PM & her political party want a share of the Yabba Money generated by the Thai Military Forces near the Burmese Border. None of this trade can be undertaken with the Army's conivence. It has been that way for 300 years and likely to continue.

defence.professionals | defpro.com

The 2012 Thai Military Reshuffle

07:25 GMT, October 15, 2012

Thailand’s annual military reshuffle, approved by Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and endorsed by <redacted>, went into effect Monday, October 1. Defense Minister Sukampol Suwannathat, appointed January 18, led the controversial reshuffle. Critics, including the Thai media, have called into question the patronage and political influence exhibited in the reshuffle process each year, voicing a desire for more transparency and merit-based promotions.

The Thai military is a powerful institution and is traditionally aligned with the more conservative interests of the <redacted>. In 2006, the military staged a coup against then–prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was seen as a populist leader frequently at odds with Thailand’s traditional elite. However, the loyalties of the armed forces depend on who holds the most senior positions in the military. Thus, the impact of the annual reshuffle on high-ranking officers is a significant indicator of the political climate in Thailand.

Generally, the Thai military is organized similarly to the U.S. military, partly due to influences dating back to World War II and the long-standing military-to-military exchanges between the two countries. The Royal Thai Armed Forces are composed of three services: the Royal Thai Army (RTA), the Royal Thai Navy (RTN), and the Royal Thai Air Force (RTAF). The armed forces are made up of professional and conscripted soldiers—at the age of 20, Thai men are required to serve in the military for two years, though university students are allowed to defer military service until after graduation.

WHAT IS THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE 2012 MILITARY RESHUFFLE?

This year’s Thai military reshuffle is significant because it demonstrates underlying tensions within the military, and how appointments can be used for political gain. Defense Minister Sukampol instituted strategic changes in military leadership that benefit the ruling Pheu Thai government. Overall, the reshuffle involved an unprecedented number of military officers: 881 were transferred to new job assignments on October 1, generating internal friction at the highest levels. Comparatively, 584 officers were transferred in 2011.

Defense Minister Sukampol faced strong opposition from Defense Ministry permanent secretary-general Sathien Permthong over the nomination of General Sathien’s successor. Sathien intended that his deputy, Chatree Tatti, would take over his powerful position upon Sathien’s retirement, but Sukampol nominated General Thanongsak Apirakyotin, who is sympathetic to the Pheu Thai party. It was reported that Sukampol’s nomination of General Thanongsak is the result of a consultation in Hong Kong with ousted prime minister Thaksin. Appointing General Thanongsak increases the government’s influence inside the Council of Defense, which advises the defense minister on military matters including conscription laws, the budget, and training and deployment.

Sathien sought to challenge the legality of the reshuffle after Sukampol abruptly transferred him, General Chatree, and Director of the Defense Secretariat General Pinphat Siriwat to inactive posts at the Defense Minister’s office in September. But the Administrative Court dismissed General Sathien’s case.

WHAT OTHER SENIOR POSITIONS WITHIN THE MILITARY WERE AFFECTED BY THE RESHUFFLE?

Senior positions within each branch of service, the Ministry of Defense, and the Supreme Command were affected. These appointments created a shift in military leadership favoring Pheu Thai. General Thanongsak’s appointment as permanent secretary is the clearest example. While Defense Minister Sukampol seems to have promoted individuals with fewer attachments to traditional elites, their loyalty to Pheu Thai is far from guaranteed at this time. Other promotions include:

• In the Army, Lieutenant General Udomdej Sitabutr was promoted to the position of Army chief of staff, becoming a four-star general. Major General Paiboon Kumchaya, a Thaksin sympathizer, replaced Udomdej as First Army Region commander.

• In the Navy, Admiral Damrongsak Haochareon was promoted to deputy commander-in-chief.

• In the Air Force, Air Chief Marshal Prajin Juntong will succeed Air Chief Marshal Itthaporn Subhawong upon his retirement.

• In the Ministry of Defense, which is responsible for coordinating the administration of the armed forces, General Thanongsak was promoted to permanent secretary. General ML Prasopchai Kasemsant and General Nipat Thonglek are his two deputy permanent secretaries.

• In the Supreme Command, which maintains control over military operations, General Worapong Sanganet is the new deputy supreme commander.

HOW DOES THE 2012 MILITARY RESHUFFLE REFLECT ON DEFENSE MINISTER SUKAMPOL’S LEADERSHIP?

Defense Minister Sukampol has shown himself to be a strong leader of the ministry. The reshuffle list faced no opposition within the Yingluck government and was royally endorsed without interference from Privy Council president General Prem Tinsulanonda, who played a central role in the 2006 military coup d’état. Additionally, Sukampol gained the support of the Royal Thai Armed Forces during the reshuffle by exercising a management strategy based on military brotherhood and mutual gain. The Administrative Court’s dismissal of General Sathien’s case against the reshuffle bolstered Sukampol’s legitimacy and authority.

WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE 2012 MILITARY RESHUFFLE ON THE POLITICAL CLIMATE IN THAILAND?

Thailand’s annual reshuffle has always created some tensions within the military and politics, and historically it has been one of the more common triggers for a coup. The military reshuffle strengthens the ruling Pheu Thai party’s position within a structure traditionally dominated by supporters of elite institutions such as the <redacted>. However, it was not contested by the Privy Council or other such groups that remain influential in Thai politics. This indicates that the relationship among the Yingluck government, the military, and the traditional elites continues to be stable, if at times uneasy. The dispute between General Sathien and Minister Sukampol became a public controversy, causing Army chief General Chan-Ocha to intervene and call their actions embarrassing, but this ultimately did not affect the outcome.

Perhaps the most interesting outcome was not criticism of political interference in the process, but complaints about the lack of merit associated with military promotions at the highest levels. While it is unlikely that this criticism will result in a change in how appointments are made in the future, it demonstrates a willingness among the Thai public and media to speak out regarding issues that were long perceived to be off limits for public discourse. Furthermore, it shows a growing willingness among Thais to comment on practices and norms that award officers on the basis of who they know rather than what they know. What this will mean for Thailand’s political future is not certain, but it reveals that nepotism will not go unnoticed.

WHAT IS THE IMPACT ON U.S.-THAI RELATIONS?

The U.S.-Thai relationship has seen a resurgence in the past year, particularly in the area of military engagement. It is unlikely that these appointments will dramatically impact the relationship, militarily or as a whole. A stronger relationship between the government and the military could potentially help resolve issues between the two countries more readily. However, the stronger position of Pheu Thai supporters in the military could open up the party to more criticism from the opposition. Ultimately, the relationship between Thailand and the United States will likely continue to deepen as it has for the past year, with some minor hiccups, partly due to Thailand’s contentious political climate.


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By Kathleen Rustici and Alexandra Sander
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)

(Kathleen Rustici is a research associate, and Alexandra Sander a researcher, with the Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.)

Thai Navy buys Sea Sparrow missiles | Bangkok Post: news

Thai Navy buys advanced missiles

• Published: 15 Jan 2013 at 08.29
• Online news: Local News

The Royal Thai Navy has purchased nine Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile systems from US defence manufacturer Raytheon, the company announced Tuesday.


A Sea Sparrow missile is fired from a launcher on a US aircraft carrier. (US Navy photo)

A statement from Raytheon headquarters in Crystal City, Virginia, just outside Washington, said Thai officials recently signed a Letter of Offer and Acceptance (LOA) with the US government for the system.

The price of the purchase was not made public.

The Thai government has made no announcement on the deal since it first was announced last August by the US Defence Department that the Navy was seeking permission to buy the weapons.

The Sea Sparrow missile is described by the US Navy as "a ship-borne, short-range, anti-aircraft and anti-missile weapon system, primarily for defence against anti-ship missiles". It was developed in the early 1960s but has undergone constant development and upgrade.

The Evolved Sea Sparrow Missile (ESSM) was described by Raytheon on Tuesday as based on the RIM-7 Sea Sparrow, but with increased rocket engine power and enhanced aerodynamics.

Missiles are 12 feet long, 10 inches (3.9 metres) wide, carrying an 86-pound (39kg) blast-fragmentation warhead. Operational range is reportedly about 27 nautical miles.

Thailand, the 13th nation to buy the missiles, intends to deploy the ESSM systems aboard two frigates, according to the Raytheon announcement.

ESSM systems are currently operating on the US Navy's Arleigh Burke-class destroyers, Ticonderoga-class cruisers, aircraft carriers and large deck amphibious ships. They also are installed on various ships of the navies of Australia, Canada, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, and Turkey.

According to an enthusiastic Raytheon press release, "The addition of the ESSM will provide the Royal Thai Navy an unmatched ship self-defence capability, as well as allowing the fleet to take advantage of future spiral evolutions of the missile."

It is the second missile system purchase by the Thai armed forces in thelast few months.

In November, Thales UK announced it had been awarded a multi-million dollar contract for delivery of its STARStreak very-short-range air defence missile (VSHORAD) system to the Royal Thai Army.

The contract for unspecified units makes Thailand the third customer for the missile, after UK and South African Armed Forces, according to Defense News daily.

The deal was announced during the official visit of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra to London.

The same missile system was deployed during London's Olympics Games in August, where it served as a core element of the UK army's air defence capability.

Unlike the UK Army, which favours vehicle-mounted option, the Thai army is expected to launch the missile from a wide range of lightweight and portable launchers, the Defense News said.

Introduced in 1997, the STARStreak is a self-propelled high-velocity missile (SP HVM) system designed to provide close air defence against a multitude of conventional air threats, including high-speed fixed wing aircraft, unmanned air vehicles (UAVs) and attack helicopters.

Powered by a two-stage solid propellant rocket motor, the missile also features lightweight multiple launchers (LML), which enable swift deployment against battlefield threats.

The missile is capable of reaching a maximum speed of Mach 3.5, and is also fitted with three high-density darts and laser beam riding guidance for maximum accuracy and engagement of smallest signature targets that are difficult to hit with legacy missiles, the report said.

^ Yet another really really important and needed purchase then...